New York Tribune on USCTs and Confederate Prisoners at Petersburg

A couple of months ago I shared a couple of posts about 1st United States Colored Troops (USCT) Chaplain Henry McNeal Turner and his mention of some USCTs not taking prisoners during the June 15, 1864, attacks at Petersburg. Turner in dispatches to the Christian Recorder commented that some USCTs refused to accept Confederate soldiers' surrenders that day, and that "over Jordan would be the best place for them, and sent them there with few exceptions." 

The June 15 Petersburg acts of atrocity came largely in reciprocation for the Fort Pillow massacre, which occurred in West Tennessee on April 12, 1864. In that earlier action, an integrated garrison of USCTs and white Unionist Tennessee troops on the Mississippi River refused a surrender demand by forces under the command of Maj. Gen. Nathan Bedford Forrest. Forrest and his soldiers, perhaps frustrated with their inability to capture a fortification at Paducah, Kentucky, a few weeks earlier, successfully stormed Fort Pillow and mercilessly killed many of the black soldiers who attempted to surrender when continued resistance was determined futile. 

Word of the atrocities at Fort Pillow spread quickly through the newspapers and made their way to the USCTs then serving in east central and southeast Virginia. It was in their assaults upon the earthworks at Petersburg where they yelled "Remember Fort Pillow!" as they made their charges and captured several Confederate positions along the Dimmock Line of defensive earthworks.

Recently, while reading some of the Petersburg Daily Express articles, I came across a mention of an article from the New York Tribune that spoke of the USCTs killing Confederate prisoners at Petersburg. Curious to see if I could find said referenced article, I combed the late June 1864 editions of the Tribune on the Library of Congress' Chronicling America digital database and finally found the article. It appeared on page one of the June 21 edition. The main section referencing the incident is clipped and shown above. 

In it the reporter, "Our Special Correspondent," only identified by the initials "W. H. K," either heard the referenced conversation first hand, or had it relayed to him, that Maj. Gen. Benjamin Butler's chief of staff, Col. John W. Shaffer, shared a brief conversation with a USCT sergeant. The unnamed sergeant from a regiment that goes unmentioned states that the USCTs lost a good number of officers and men in the attack. Shaffer then asked how many prisoners were captured. The sergeant responds "Not any alive, Sir." The correspondent then mentions that Maj. Gen. William F. "Baldy" Smith, commander of the Army of the James' XVIII Corps added: "They [USCTs] don't give my Provost-Marshal [in charge of captured prisoners] the least trouble, and I don't believe they contribute toward filling and of the hospitals with Rebel wounded;" implying the USCTs offered no quarter to wounded enemies. It is difficult to tell if Smith's comments came at the time of the conversation between Shaffer and the USCT sergeant or at another time.

There appears to be enough evidence given through the accounts of different individuals that atrocities against prisoners of war did occur on June 15, 1864 at Petersburg. However, its origin was not there and its end was not there. At the Battle of the Crater on July 30, 1864, just a little to the left of the June 15 fighting, the USCTs would again invoke the memory of Fort Pillow in their charge, but like Fort Pillow they would endure the atrocities. On September 29, 1864, at both New Market Heights and Fort Gilmer, reports of atrocities against USCTs would again appear in soldiers' accounts from both sides. 

War does terrible to things to its participants, and some of its participants do terrible things in wars.       

Wanted Immediately

 

While browsing through the June 30, 1864, edition of the Petersburg Daily Express, I came across the above advertisement. It was posted by Maj. Charles J. Wallach, who was apparently in the role of quartermaster. Unfortunately, I was unable to find out much about him or at what level of quartermaster he served.

With this advertisement Wallach sought 100 enslaved or free people of color "with axes, for cutting wood near the city." My initial question is what was the purpose of this timbering project? Being that the ad appeared in the summer, it does not appear that the wood was going to be used for warming fuel. Although, I suppose it could have been used to fuel the many railroad engines running to, from, and through Petersburg. However, one problem with that is that much of the timber around Petersburg consists of pine trees, which do not burn as well for steam production as well as hardwoods. 

I suspect that what these axe men were being asked to cut were the woodlots around the city to create clear fields of fire for Confederate artillery and infantry defensive positions. This advertisement was placed rather early in the Petersburg Campaign, so there was still plenty of tree coverage that needed removed. Having defoliated clear fields of fire not only ensured that potential attackers would not have timber shields to hide behind, they also would not have the advantage of assaults while being concealed.

One wonders how many of these African American wood cutters ended up being recruited for the project and how long they stayed in this role. The ad promised good wages and rations. But the wages went to the owners of those enslaved men who participated, and the risks seemed to outweigh the rewards to the free men of color. Did some laborers end up wounded and killed while doing this work? Did some of the enslaved successfully escape to Union lines? If so, did some become soldiers in the United States Colored Troops? 

There are always many more questions than answers with these types of primary sources, but their existence still gives us some valuable insights into the past.     

Dying Far From Home – Pvt. John Henry Gough, Co. D, 38th USCI, and Pvt. Thomas Gough, Co. F, 38th USCI

The Chesapeake Bay area proved to be a particularly fruitful recruiting ground for the United States Colored Troops. Generations of tobacco agriculture had significantly depleted the region’s soil, and a transition to grain crops in the antebellum years produced a perceived surplus of enslaved laborers. Many of these individuals ended up being either sold, or moved with their migrating owners, to the ever expanding “Cotton Kingdom.” However, the region still had a large African American population, both free and enslaved. When the Civil War began, Federal control of the bay area resulted in tens of thousands of black men, women, and children assisting the Union war effort in multiple ways, which they obviously viewed to their advantage.  

Thousands of the region’s military age men enlisted in United States Colored Troops regiments, like the 4^th, 7^th, 9^th, 19^th, 30^th, 36^th, and 38^th who were either raised from or stationed in the area. Medal of Honor recipients Christian Fleetwood (4^th), William H. Barnes (38^th), James H. Harris (38^th), and Decatur Dorsey (30^th) all came from the bay section of Maryland. Barnes and Harris both hailed from St. Mary’s County, Maryland.

Six men in the 38^th USCI with the last name of Gough (apparently pronounced Goff) are also among the men from St. Mary’s County. Two of the six died from the wounds received at the Battle of New Market Heights. The family relationship between Thomas A. Gough and John Henry Gough (if one existed) is unknown. It is quite possible they were either brothers or cousins. Although they were in the same regiment, and hailed from the same county, they enlisted three months apart and ended up in different companies. However, they are of similar age, were the same height, and same complexion. We’ll look at each soldier individually.

John Henry Gough was only 20 years old when he enlisted on February 27, 1864, in Great Mills, Maryland. John’s enlistment papers describe him as 5 feet, 4 inches tall, and of “dark” complexion. Noted as “farmer,” before enlisting, he was likely enslaved before joining up. John had probably not traveled far in his first 20 years, as he gave his birthplace as St. Mary’s County. He officially mustered into the U.S. service on March 7, in Norfolk, Virginia. 

 

John’s time in the blue uniform would span just a little over seven months. His records reveal no illness, no absences, no detached duty. He did not received any promotions. It appears that he always answered roll calls with, “present.” However, during the intense fighting at the Battle of New Market Heights on September 29, 1864, John Henry received a serious wound in one of his shoulders. Removed from the battlefield and taken to the XVIII Corps base hospital at Point of Rock, Virginia, John died from his wound on October 4. His soldier’s Final Statement lists no personal effects.

Pvt. Thomas A. Gough enlisted at age 22 into Company F of the 38^th USCI on May 17, 1864 at Leonardtown, Maryland. His physical description mirrors that of John Henry Gough exactly. He officially mustered in on May 22 in Norfolk. In service for even less time than John Henry, the comments on Thomas’ muster card for September-October 1864 reads: “Died of wounds rece’d in a charge on the enemy’s works Sept 29, 1864.”

Pvt. Thomas Gough’s discharge for death document provides some insight into the wounds he received in the courageous charge at New Market Heights. Shot through the right lung and right arm, Thomas—like John Henry Gough—left the battlefield clinging to life, but obviously in tremendous pain. Transported to the XVIII Corps base hospital at Point of Rocks, he endured the amputation of his right arm. Thomas held on to his life until October 13.

Apparently both men received burials in the Point of Rocks hospital cemetery on Bermuda Hundred. Later removed, and now occupying graves only a row and a few short steps apart, they now rest in peace in plots 3707 and 3699 respectively in the City Point National Cemetery.

Only two decades of life makes for excruciatingly short existences for these two soldiers. The principles they fought for, and sacrificed their lives for, should ideally bring them a measure of recognition and the thanks of a nation. Their marked graves in a national cemetery helps. Bringing their courageous stories to a wider audience, and thus creating awareness of their service is one of the goals of the Battle of New Market Heights Memorial and Education Association. Help us remember them.

"Killed": A Soldier's Obituary

 

Following the Battle of the Crater, several soldier's obituaries appeared in the issues of the Petersburg Daily Express. The one above eulogizing Pvt. Robert Fuqua of Company K, 12th Virginia Infantry appeared in the August 8, 1864 edition. 

The bonds that these soldiers formed though the difficulties that they endured in camp, on the march, and on the battlefield proved extremely strong. That, combined with the fact that many of the men fighting in the counterattacking units under Brig. Gen. William Mahone came from the Petersburg area, makes sense that their comrades would want their friend's deaths announced and to express it with sentiments similar to those above. 

Robert Fuqua appears in the 1860 census living in Petersburg's West Ward in his mother's household. The 34 year old baker and his brother, James, a 26 year old finisher along with several boarders occupied the house. Although I was not able to find confirmation, I would guess that Pvt. Fuqua is buried in Peterssburg's Blandford Cemetery.   

Enslaved Refugees from Wilson-Kautz Raid Recaptured and Advertised

One of the great things about the research process is finding unexpected information. For example, this evening, while browsing through period newspapers for articles about prisoners captured during the Petersburg Campaign, I happened upon an advertisement enumerating enslaved individuals, their owners, and the counties they came from. The ad ran in the July 29, 1864 issue of the Petersburg Daily Express.

For a little context, the named enslaved people on this list fled farms and plantation across Southside Virginia following the Federal cavalry during the week-long Wilson-Kautz Raid. Part of Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant's Second Offensive, the raid began on June 22, 1864, from just southeast of Petersburg. The primary goal of the raid was to disrupt travel on the region's railroads and thus cut Confederate communications utilizing the remaining railroads coming into Petersburg and Richmond supplying Gen. Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia.

The 5,500 cavalrymen under Brig. Gen James H. Wilson and Brig. Gen. August Kautz rode along the Weldon Railroad, and at Ream's Station broke west to Dinwiddie Courthouse. They then made north to Ford's Station on the Southside Railroad and followed it west. They were at Blacks and Whites (present day Blackstone) by the following day. Tearing up track here and there along the route, at Burksville Station the riders switched their attention to the southeast route of the Richmond and Danville Railroad. They engaged Confederate forces at the Staunton River Bridge at the Charlotte/Halifax County line. Checked by the Southerners, the raiders turned back east.

Along the route the raiders collected an assortment of horses, mules, and wagons piled full of foodstuffs, personal loot, and enslaved men, women, and children. By June 28, the raiders were at Stony Creek Station on the Weldon Railroad. A wild ride north was stopped on June 29 at Ream's Station by Confederate infantry under Brig. Gen. William Mahone and cavalry under Brig. Gens. Fitzhugh Lee and Wade Hampton. The exhausted raiders were not able to put up much of a fight and were routed, resulting in hundreds of Wilson's cavalry becoming prisoners. Gobbled up with the raiders were scores of the enslaved; ever so briefly free, now recaptured. Kautz and some of his Union cavalry were able to make a better getaway to the southeast, but still lost soldiers and refugees.

These listed recaptured enslaved people were probably taken from the Kautz group. They first were sent to Hicksford (present day Emporia) and then to Weldon, North Carolina, by the Confederate authorities  where they were held for their owners to come claim them. 

 

The raid encompassed some 350 miles along their circular route. As shown in the advertisments the enslaved came from counties such as Dinwiddie, Nottoway, Prince Edward, Brunswick, Charlotte, Lunenburg, and Mecklinburg. The raid was viewed by the Confederates as a failure due to its disastrous end, but the Federals believed that the temporary disruption to the railroad traffic was worth the loss of captured Union soldiers. The raid was certainly not decisive for either side. For the captured refugees, those who returned to slavery were forced to endure several more months of bondage before freedom came with Union victory and Lee's surrender at Appomattox. 

Wounded USCTs Captured at the Crater Advertised in Petersburg

 

Back in March 2019, I shared an advertisement that ran in the Richmond Daily Dispatch listing the names of over 80 United States Colored Troops soldiers captured at the Battle of the Crater. The purpose of the ad was to alert the former owners of the men in order to potentially come claim them. 

A similar ad, albeit with fewer soldiers, ran in the Petersburg Daily Express on August 8, 1864. The list in the Daily Express enumerates 18 men. It also lists their owner's name and where they claimed to come from. The advertisement states that these soldiers were at the Poplar Lawn Military Hospital in Petersburg, which was located on South Sycamore Street, where Poplar Lawn Park is presently. The ad appears to have been authorized by Brig. Gen. Henry A. Wise, former governor of Virginia who authorized the hanging of John Brown.

Conducting searches by their names on Fold3.com, I was able to track down five of 18 soldiers and corroborate their wounding and capture at the Crater. Knowing the USCT regiments who fought at the Battle of the Crater helped me find those men relatively quickly. Interestingly, I found one listed man, William J. Cornish, in the 28th USCI (at regiment in the battle), but who according to his service records remained present with his regiment. Could it be that a comrade used Cornish's name as an alias? Hmmmmmmm.

The five men from the list who I was able to locate are as follows:

Pvt. Edward Turner, 18, from Baltimore, Maryland. Turner was a waiter before enlisting in Company D, 30th USCI on February 25, 1864. His service records state that he was missing in action on July 30 and "known to be badly wounded." Another notes states that Turner was sent to the Confederate States Military Prison Hospital in Richmond, and was wounded in the right arm. That arm was apparently amputated at the shoulder joint on August 14. In addition, compensation claims from Turner's owner, John R. Holliday (as also shown in the ad) appear in Turner's service records. Turner was manumitted by Holliday upon his enlistment, so he was technically not enslaved at the time of his capture. It is interesting that he would claim he had an owner to the Confederate authorities. Holliday received $300.00 for Turner's emancipation. Sadly, Turner died in the Confederate prison hospital on September 23, 1864. 

Pvt. Robert Banks, 22, served in Company G, 23rd USCI. He was born in Petersburg and enlisted in Washington D.C. One wonders how Banks felt about fighting outside of his hometown on July 30, 1864 at the Crater. Banks' occupation is noted as laborer. His service records state: "Captured July 30 . . . taken to Richmond and put in the employ of the gov[ernment] as teamster, rejoined the co[mpany] May 20, [18]65." Banks appears to have mustered out with the 23rd USCI in Texas in November 1865. Another document in Banks' service records notes his owner as William Bland (as also shown in the ad) and that Banks was delivered to Dickinson and Hill (Richmond slave traders) on October 2, 1864. Did Banks escape? Was he liberated when Richmond fell? Another document only gives a hint of a clue. A card states "Request that the within named escaped Pris[nor] of War be cared for until further orders." It is dated April 29, 1865 from Washington D.C.

Pvt. Samuel Green, 21, joined Company I, 23rd USCI on May 16, 1864, in Washington D.C. He was a laborer before enlisting and was born in King and Queen County, Virginia. In his records it states: "Captured by the rebels at the battle of Petersburg July 30, 1864. Escaped and returned to his Co[mpany] about April 18,1865. Discharged at Camp Lincoln, Va. 5-25-65 by reason of gunshot wound in left arm . . . ." Documents in Green's records indicate he was believed to be dead, but obviously his demise was greatly exaggerated. One document says that Green was delivered to his owner, a Major Bland in King and Queen County. Did Green make a second getaway from enslavement? It appears so! 

Pvt. Robert Brown, 20, of Company C, 23rd USCI was born in Prince Georges County, Maryland, and enlisted on February 6, 1864. Brown's records unfortunately do not provide much information. One card states, "Missing in action before Petersburg, Va. July 30, '64."

Pvt. George F. Medley, Company C, 23rd USCI, was the eldest of the men I was able to locate. He was 29. Get this though, he enlisted in Washington, D.C. on July 15; only two weeks and one day before the Battle of the Crater. He was serving as the substitute for a Samuel P. Gates. Like Edward Turner, Medley was eventually transferred to the Confederate Military Prison Hospital in Richmond. And like Turner, he was suffering from a wound in the right arm, and also similarly, Medley, died at the hospital, only on September 6, 1864.

I remain curious why more of these men are not identifiable in regimental service records. If anyone has ideas in addition to my supposition of aliases, I would be interested in hearing them. 

USCT Petersburg Trench Art

 

It is commonly said that soldier life consists of months of boredom punctuated with moments of terror. That saying goes for just about any conflict, but pertains particularly well to the Civil War’s Petersburg Campaign of 1864-65. After a grueling month and a half of almost constant combat between the Union’s Army of the Potomac and the Confederacy’s Army of Northern Virginia in the spring of 1864, during what is known as the Overland Campaign, the contending forces transitioned into a dig in, attack, and counterattack mode of combat around Petersburg and Richmond. The fighting started in June 1864 and lasted until April 2, 1865; almost ten months of wear and tear on the soldiers.

 Between active army movements, soldiers manned their earthen fortifications and sought ways to pass the time. Many soldiers wrote letters to loved ones back home and read return mail voraciously, while others volunteered for detached duty details to keep themselves occupied. Some men played camp games, and others created pieces of “trench art,” while waiting for their call to action.

A soldier who bided his time in creative contemplation was Isaac J. Hill of Company D, 29^th Connecticut Infantry. The 29^th Connecticut was one of the handful of African American regiments—like the famous 54^th Massachusetts—who maintained their state designation after the Union military established the United States Colored Troops (USCT). The 29^th Connecticut was initially part of the X Corps, and later part of the all-black XXV Corps, both in the Army of the James.

Isaac J. Hill, born a free man of color in Union County, Pennsylvania, enlisted on January 6, 1864, in Norwich, Connecticut. Hill’s service records indicate that he was 35 years old and 6 feet tall, and had been a minister before entering the service. Hill’s comrade in the 29^th Connecticut, Sgt. Alexander Heritage Newton wrote about some of their regiment’s experiences at Petersburg.  “We were soon in front of Petersburg, Va., looking upon the doomed city. We were greeted by a shell from the rebels, or Grey Backs, as we sometimes called them. It fell near the colonel, who was sitting on his horse at the right of the brigade. We countermarched and fell back to the woods, where we remained until 5 o’clock, when orders were received from the general to fall back to the fort and protect the pontoon bridge.” Later Newton writes: “Once again we marched in front of the horrible pit, Petersburg. Some of the whites said, see they are taking these colored soldiers to the slaughter pen. Truly, they had said so, for I never saw such a scene the first night. Shot and shell were raining fast around us.”

Private Hill’s trench art creation is a match safe, used to hold his fire starting devices, at that time often called Lucifers. Hill’s match safe, carved out of beef bones, decorated with a brass Union uniform button and a small brass ring, is mounted on a painted wooden base. This small, and at first glance, seemingly insignificant artifact, actually provides us with yet another piece of evidence about the experience of African American soldiers at Petersburg.

Isaac J. Hill survived the war and mustered out of service on October 24, 1865, in Brownsville, Texas.

Paying a High Price: Casualties for the 36th USCI at the Battle of New Market Heights

 

During the fighting at the Battle of New Market Heights, as Corporal Miles James of Company B, 36^th United States Colored Infantry (USCI) maneuvered through abatis defenses and approached the Confederate earthworks, he received a grievous wound to the left upper arm. Somehow, James was able to gather up enough physical strength and determined courage to stand his ground and continue to load and fire his rifle with only the use of his right arm, all while cheering his charging comrades. Corp. James endured a field amputation, and after recovering, he was able to receive special permission to remain with his regiment until he received a disability discharge on October 13, 1865—over a year after his wounding. Unfortunately, James died in 1871 due to complications from his New Market Heights wound.

The 36^th USCI paid a high price at the Battle of New Market Heights. Combing through the soldiers’ service records for the regiment, and with help from the roster appendix to James K. Bryant II’s fine history of the regiment, I was able to gather a list of the men killed in action, fatally wounded, and those wounded who survived. I have included their rank, name, company, age at enlistment, place of birth, place of enlistment, and any additional information provided in their service records.

I have placed an asterisk by the names of those soldiers Bryant lists in his roster as wounded at New Market Heights but who I was unable to corroborate with the information in their compiled service records. Mr. Bryant may have had access to additional sources such as pension records that I did not.  

Killed in Action:

Pvt. Abraham Blango, Co. H, 34, Beaufort Co., NC; Portsmouth, VA

Pvt. John Bunyan, Co. C, 18, Plymouth, NC; Plymouth, NC

Pvt. Jonas Capps, Co F, 22, Princess Anne Co., VA; Norfolk, VA

Corp. Glasgow Carr, Co. D, 24, Greene Co., NC; New Bern, NC

Pvt. Miles Crickman, Co. G, 41, Norfolk Co., VA; Portsmouth, VA

Sgt. William Etheridge, Co. H, 24, Roanoke Island, NC; Roanoke Island, NC; “being struck by a shell”

Pvt. Simon Gaylord, Co. F, 23, Washington, NC; Washington, NC

Pvt. Samuel Gregory, Co. F, 22, Perquimans Co., NC; Norfolk, VA

Pvt. Charles Lauringhouse, Co. E, 29, Edgecombe, NC; Washington, NC

Pvt. Roderick McCoy, Co. F, 21, Westmoreland Co., Point Lookout, MD

Pvt. Claiborne Miller, Co. A, 21, Hertford Co., NC; New Bern, NC

Pvt. Edward M. Montague, Co. K, 21 Gloucester Co., VA; Yorktown, VA

Pvt. Quince Odin, Co. H, 21, Martin Co., NC; Plymouth, NC; “being hit by a minie ball”

Corp. Isaac Overton, Co. F, 22, Pasquotank, NC; Roanoke Island, NC

Pvt. William H. Parker, Co. C, 25, Norfolk, VA; Portsmouth, VA

Corp. Grey Peyton (aka Paton), Co. D, 27, Pitt Co., NC; New Bern, NC

Pvt. William Redding, Co. H, 18, Martin Co., NC; Plymouth, NC; “being hit by a minie ball”

Pvt. James Roberts, Co. K, 20, [King and] Queen Co. VA; Portsmouth, VA

Pvt. William Sharpless, Co. H, 20, Craven Co., NC; Plymouth, NC

Pvt. John Simmons, Co. D, 20, Princess Ann Co., VA; Portsmouth, VA; “gun shot wound”

Pvt. Spencer Whitehouse, Co. D, 19, Princess Ann Co., Va; Portsmouth, VA; “gun shot wound”

Pvt. John Young, Co. B, 19, Norfolk Co., VA; Portsmouth, VA

Fatally Wounded:

Pvt. Henry Bell, Co. I, 20, Northampton, VA; Hampton, VA; died 9-30-1864 from wounds

Pvt. Elijah Cherry, Co. G, 30, Bertie Co., NC; Plymouth, NC; died 10-27-1864 from wounds

Pvt. Richard Cherry, Co. C, 40, Edgecombe Co., NC; Washington, NC; died 10-10-1864 from wounds

Corp. Aaron Mitchell, Co. F, 29, Pasquotank Co., NC; Washington, NC; died 10-17-1864 from wounds

Pvt. Hamilton Pitman, Co. B, 27, Edgecombe Co., NC; Washington, NC; died 11-15-64 from wounds

Pvt. Frank Satchen, Co. H, 18, Beaufort, NC; Washington, NC; died 12-21-1864 from wounds

Corp. Cudjoe Woodhouse, Co. G, 29, Currituck Co., NC; Roanoke Island, NC; died 10-6-1864 from wounds

Wounded Survived – Adjutant

Adj. Richard F. Andrews, 27, Lynn, MA; Promoted to captain of Co. D 10-21-1864

Wounded Survived – Co. A

*Pvt. London Brockett, 38, Currituck Co., NC; Norfolk, VA

Pvt. Romulous Cooper, 25, Hertford Co., NC; Plymouth, NC

*Pvt. Charles Mullen, 20, Hertford Co., NC; New Bern, NC

Pvt. Julius (Jule) Taylor, 19, Bertie Co., NC; Plymouth, NC

Pvt. Alexander Wiggins, 42, Martin Co., NC; Plymouth, NC; disability discharge on 12-1-1865 for bone resection of left upper arm. “The arm is nearly useless.”

Wounded Survived – Co. B

Pvt. John W. Butt, 44, Norfolk Co., NC; Portsmouth, VA

*Pvt. Lucius Graves, 19, James City Co., VA; Norfolk, VA

Pvt. Miles Grimes, 24, Pitt Co., NC; Washington, NC

Pvt. George James, 18, Norfolk, VA; Portsmouth, VA

Corp. Miles James, 34, Princess Anne Co., VA; Norfolk, VA; amputation of left arm, disability discharge 10-13-1865; Medal of Honor and Butler Medal recipient

Pvt. James T. Johnson, 23, Suffolk Co., VA; Norfolk, VA

*Pvt. Peter Jones, 33, Halifax Co., NC; New Bern, NC

Pvt. William Taylor, 19, Caroline Co., VA; Norfolk, VA

Wounded Survived – Co. C

Pvt. Henry Clay, 20, Whitford, NC; Portsmouth, VA

Pvt. Willis Dempsey, 22, Elizabeth City, NC; Portsmouth, VA; disability discharge on 6—1865 from effects of gunshot wound to right elbow

Pvt. Peter Downing, 41, Lee’s Mills, NC; Plymouth, NC; disability discharge on 2-10-1865 due to amputation of right arm

*Pvt. Abner Farnshaw, 21, Princess Anne Co., VA; Portsmouth, VA

1^st Lt. Edwin Gaskill, 20, joined 36^th as 2^nd Lt. on 5-17-1864

Corp. Rufus Mayo, 29, Plymouth, NC; Plymouth, NC

Pvt. Calvin McClenney, 32, Nansemond Co., VA; Washington, NC; “gunshot wound both thighs;” returned to duty 2-10-1865

Pvt. Edward Phelps, 19, Washington, NC; Plymouth, NC; disability discharge on 6-18-1865, “loss of use of right hand the result of a gun shot wound”

Pvt. Thomas Wilkinson, 18, Washington, NC; New Bern, NC; hospitalized in Philadelphia, deserted from hospital on 1-15-1865

Pvt. Alexander Wilson, 32, Plymouth, NC; Plymouth, NC

Wounded Survived – Co. D

Pvt. Amos Franks, 19, New Bern, NC; New Bern, NC; disability discharge on 6-17-1865 for “gunshot wound of right shoulder and shell wound of right leg”

Pvt. James Jenkins, 22, Nashville, NC; New Bern, NC

Pvt. Saunders Norfleet, 30, Bertie Co., NC; Norfolk, VA  

Pvt. Otis Oliver, 18, Norfolk, VA; Norfolk, VA

Pvt. William Parker, 22, Gates Co., NC; Norfolk, VA

Pvt. Isaac Pritchett, 22, Camden Co., NC; Portsmouth, VA

Pvt. Jacob Whitfield, 25, Whitehall, NC; Plymouth, NC

Pvt. Allen Wiggins, 20, New Bern, NC; New Bern, NC

Wounded Survived – Co. E

Pvt. Thomas Adams, 23, Essex Co., VA; Point Lookout, MD

Pvt. William Almstead, 18, Gloucester, VA; Norfolk, VA

*Pvt. Solomon Atwood, 18, Princess Anne Co., VA; Norfolk, VA

Pvt. Anthony Collins, 33, Norfolk, VA; Norfolk, VA; disability discharge on 6-1-1865 due to “amputation of left thigh the result of gunshot wound”

Pvt. Peter Cornick, 22, Princess Anne Co.; Norfolk, VA

Pvt. Solomon Edwards, 46, Isle of Wight, VA; Norfolk, VA

*Pvt. Byron Gowns, 22, Greeneville, NC; Washington, NC

Pvt. Madison Grimes, 19, Fount Hill, VA, Point Lookout, MD; disability discharge on 4-18-1865 for injury to “right wrist and of fingers of right hand form gunshot wound”

Pvt. Samuel Hall, 21, Duplin Co, NC; New Bern, NC

Pvt. Shadrick Land, 21, Princess Anne Co., VA; Portsmouth, VA

Pvt. Richard Robb, 21, Essex Co., VA; Point Lookout, MD

Pvt. William Simpson, 23, Baltimore, MD, Norfolk, VA; disability discharge on 10-25-1865 for “complete anchyloses of right elbow joint caused by gunshot wound”

Pvt. Rhone Smithedge, 20, Plymouth, NC; New Bern, NC

Pvt. Peter Thomas, 20, Portsmouth, VA; Norfolk, VA; disability discharge on 3-15-1865 for “wounded in the shoulder . . . and has been unfit for any duty as a soldier ever since”

*2^nd Lt. Isaac Thurlow, 20, appointed 5-31-1864, previously served with 32^nd Massachusetts

*Pvt. Turner White, 19, Pasquotank Co., NC; Norfolk, VA

Wounded Survived – Co. F

*Pvt. Albert Banks, 27, Southampton, VA; Plymouth, NC

Pvt. Samuel Gregory, 18, Perquimans Co., NC; Roanoke Island, NC; disability discharge on 5-17-1865 for “paralysis of left arm from injury to brachial nerve by a [gunshot] wound of neck”

Pvt. Owen Harris, 28, Princess Anne Co., VA; Norfolk, VA

Pvt. Riley Midget, 18, Currituck Co., NC; Roanoke Island, NC

Wounded Survived – Co. G

*Pvt. Henry Augustus, 18, Pasquotank Co., NC; Portsmouth, VA

1^st Lt. Francis Bicknell, 20, Weymouth, MA; joined 36^th on 6-24-1864, promoted to captain on 10-22-1864

*Pvt. Joseph Diggs, 24, James City Co. VA; Yorktown, VA

Corp. James Gallop, 32. Currituck Co., NC; Roanoke Island, NC

*Pvt. Thomas Hawkins, 21, Richmond Co., VA; Fort Monroe, VA

Pvt. John Horne, 20, Richmond Co., VA; Point Lookout, MD

1^st Sgt. Anthony Pool, 20, Surry Co. VA; Yorktown, VA

Corp. Wilson Stogley, 20, Perquimans Co., NC; Portsmouth, VA

*Pvt. [Drummer] Henry F. Willis, 15, Norfolk, VA; Portsmouth, VA

Wounded Survived – Co. H

Corp. George Baysmore, 28, Bertie Co., NC; Plymouth, NC; disability discharge on 1-17-1866 for “gunshot wound of right forearm, injuring the ulna, and also of the right hip injuring the femur”

Pvt. John Brown, 21, New Bern, NC; New Bern; disability discharge on 5-4-1865 for “Disability caused by gun shot wound. ‘Minie” Ball entered inner side of middle portion of left thigh, passing through course of sciatic nerve posterior to femur and emerged on opposite and outer side of thigh. All muscles of leg . . . paralyzed.

Pvt. Edward Brumser, 22, Currituck Co., NC; Plymouth, NC

Pvt. James Edwards, 36, Pitt Co., NC; Plymouth, NC; disability discharge on 3-20-1865 for “gunshot wound of right shoulder fracturing head of humerus (which was resected) causing partial auclylesis of shoulder joint”

Corp. Shadrack Keys, 37, Martin Co., NC; Plymouth, NC

Pvt. Katon Perry, 26, Pasquotank Co., NC; Plymouth, NC

Pvt. Joseph Swan, 23, Martin Co., NC; Washington, NC; gunshot wound both thighs but returned to duty and mustered out the with regiment

Pvt. James Tankard, 19, Beaufort, NC; Washington, NC

Pvt. Joseph Walford, 37, Plymouth, NC; Plymouth, NC

Wounded Survived – Co. I

1^st Lt. James B. Backup, 20, Roxbury, MA; appointed to position on 8-13-1863, formerly of 39^th Massachusetts, disability discharge on 1-23-1865 for “gunshot wound through left chest . . . also partial paralysis of right leg”

*Pvt. Frank Land, 32, Norfolk, VA; Portsmouth, VA

Pvt. Edmund Price, 35, Gates Co., NC; Portsmouth, VA

*Pvt. Wilson Reed, 23, Currituck Co., NC; Portsmouth, VA

Pvt. William Smith, 29, Norfolk, VA; Portsmouth, VA

Pvt. Joseph Wright, 22, Petersburg, VA; Hampton, VA

Wounded Survived – Co. K

Pvt. Frank Cornick, 21, Princess Anne Co., VA; Portsmouth, VA; disability discharge on 3-27-1866 for “wounded in action in right arm” and “right arm amputation at shoulder joint.”

Corp. Samuel Crofts, 18, Petersburg, VA; Hampton, VA

*Pvt. Isaac Kellen, 26, Norfolk Co., VA; Portsmouth, VA

Sgt. Andrew Nelson, 18, King William Co., VA; Yorktown, VA

*Pvt. Jefferson Valentine, 19, Beaufort Co., NC; New Bern, NC

Twenty-two killed in action, seven fatally wounded, and eighty-one wounded. This list was not produced in attempt to sensationalize the pain these men suffered, but rather to acknowledge the sacrifices they were willing to endure to ensure the death of slavery, show themselves men and worthy of citizenship and thus the guarantees of the Constitution, and to maintain the Union of the states. It is also hoped that this enumeration helps descendants make connections with their ancestors. Courageously done 36^th!

Recent Acquisitions to My Library

The Petersburg Campaign section of my library seems to constantly grow. New studies have been coming out regularly over the last decade or so that give us new angles to think about and cover subjects previously under examined.  Adding to the expanding body of scholarship on Petersburg is Sean Michael Chick's The Battle of Petersburg, June 15-18, 1864, which was published in 2015. I borrowed this book to read about three years ago, and found it helpful in better understanding both army's movements during those initial four day of fighting, so I am happy to add a copy of it to my personal library.

 

At our book club at work we last read Civil War Places: Seeing the Conflict through the Eyes of Its Leading Historians. It was an excellent choice for discussion. We all enjoyed it so much that we decided to next read the similarly structured Lens of War: Exploring Iconic Photographs of the Civil War, which is also edited by J. Matthew Gallmand and Gary W. Gallagher. Instead of the field's top historians choosing a personally special place, as in the Civil War Places book, they choose a period photograph to write about in Lens of War. I can't wait to start turning the pages on this one.

The Hampton Roads area of Virginia has so much significant African American history. It is where not only the first Africans arrived in British North America in 1619, it also where the Civil War seeds of emancipation were sown with Gen. Benjamin Butler's refusal to return three refugee former enslaved men to their owner. "Freedom's Fortress," aka Fort Monroe, played an important part in the United States Colored Troop story, too. These historical topics and many others get well deserved attention in Cassandra Newby-Alexander's An African American History of the Civil War in Hampton Roads. 

A book that has been on my "wishlist" for quite a while is Richard M. Reid's Freedom for Themselves: North Carolina's Black Soldiers in the Civil War Era. However due to its high price, I've had to put it on hold, hoping I would come across a good used copy. But recently I learned that the University of North Carolina Press was offering a steep discount sale, so I snatched up a copy. Several of the African American regiments that fought at the Battle of New Market Heights had North Carolina origins, so it relevance to my research is clear. The book coves the experiences of the 35th, 36th, and 37th US Colored Infantry regiments, and the 14th Heavy Artillery. All came from the Old North State and ended up making a name for themselves during the conflict. 

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I've always been interested in Civil War military intelligence and how it was conducted. Who doesn't like espionage and intrigue? With the recent publication of Major General George H. Sharpe and the Creation of American Military Intelligence in the Civil War by Peter G. Tsouras, we can now get a fuller understanding and appreciation of the Bureau of Military Information and the man who created and headed it. The information he provided to the Union helped turn the tide of the war in favor of the Federal forces and ultimately secure victory.

Happy reading! 

"A Bit of War History"

When I first saw "A Bit of War History," by Thomas Waterman Wood, I was struck by its honesty and  realism. Painted in 1866, it is a three-part painting depicting an African American man's transition from freedman refugee to soldier to veteran. 

Wood, born in Vermont in 1823, apparently received the inspiration to paint the series of images while living in Louisville, Kentucky, and seeing an African American man attempting to exercise a measure of independence and mobility on homemade crutches. 

The first image, titled "The Contraband," (above) shows the picture's subject in the wear of an formerly enslaved field hand. He doffs a tan slouch hat and has a sack coat with a bundle of dried tobacco leaves in coat's pocket. He seems to own only the clothes on his back and the small bundle and stick he holds in his left hand. He arrives at the provost marshal office where a broadside declares, "Volunteers Wanted." In the doorway to the office is a United States flag and a war drum. A corner of staked tent appears at the bottom left foreground. A Springfield rifle-musket and soldier's accouterments lean against the stucco wall next to a ladder-back chair on the right side of the painting. A smoking cigar is on the ground at his feet.

In the second view, "The Recruit," the man appears as a fully equipped United States Colored Troops soldier. On his belt is the distinctive "US," and a brass eagle rest on his chest as part of his cartridge box sling. He wears an infantryman's overcoat and military shoes. A forage cap sits at a jaunty angle on his head, which features a determined countenance. He carries his Springfield rifle on his right shoulder. The "Volunteers Wanted" broadside has seemingly faded from the first image, and a United States flag sketch has been added to the wall. The U.S. flag and drum remain in the office doorway and the ladder-back chair remains but instead of supporting the gear the soldier now carries, it contains a newspaper and a cigar. Wooden chips litter the ground as if the chairs' former occupant had been whittling. 

In the third and final view, "The Veteran," our soldier is depicted after his campaigning is over. The war has not been kind to him, taking his left leg at the knee. A couple of crutches help support him while standing to give a salute to show his continued commitment to the army. His sky blue great coat and trousers have faded through hard marching, camping, and fighting. Unable to manage his crutches his rifle and equipment, those tools of war again rest against the wall. The chair's top rung support has worn through since the last scene, and a double-bag knapsack rests on the ground before the chair. The flag still stands in the doorway, perhaps indicating the success of the cause, but now that the war is over, the drum is gone. The look of determination of "The Recruit" seems to have transitioned to satisfaction as "The Veteran." Perhaps he felt willing to give a leg to end slavery, stake a claim for citizenship and equality, and maintain the Union. 

 

Dying Far From Home - Richard Varney, Co. K, 4th USCI

In my ongoing efforts to recognize the service and sacrifice of the soldiers who fought and died in the United States Colored Troops, I am continually finding so many men interred in my local national cemeteries. Depending on surviving and available primary source documents, sometimes significant backstories can be told about these men, unfortunately, other times, not so much. Regardless, it is still well worth the time and effort to bring at least a measure of acknowledgement to them for their willingness to lay their lives on the line for the ideals of the United States of America.

Pvt. Richard Varney was a mere 21 years old when he enlisted in Company K, 4th United States Colored Infantry on September 2, 1863, in Baltimore. Varney was born enslaved in Talbot County, Maryland. His occupation is listed in his service records as "farmer." One wonders what occupation Varney might have pursued had he not been enslaved. No information is provided on Varney's owner. Unlike many Maryland enslaved men who served in USCT regiments, no claim for compensation accompanies Varney's service records. Did he flee slavery to enlist?

As is the case with most soldiers, we are able to draw a rough mind's-eye picture of Varney from his enlistment description. He was of common height for soldiers, standing five feet, five inches. His noted complexion was "griff," a hue somewhere between black and mulatto. Varney's eyes were reported as "black" and his hair "curly."

Not all soldiers rose in rank during their Civil War military careers. In fact, the vast majority did not. Varney entered service as a private and closed out as a private. Not receiving a promotion does not mean that a man was any less of a soldier. The measure of soldier is found in whether he did his duty or not. Pvt. Varney did his duty.

During his enlistment, the only thing that took Varney away from his company and regiment was an undisclosed illness in late June of 1864. It was severe enough to require a hospital stay of undetermined duration. However, he returned to duty two months later, detailed to work on the Dutch Gap Canal. This massive earth removal project was an attempt to bypass some of the Confederate shore defenses along the twisting James River. It was very unpleasant work in dangerous conditions, with the workers often enduring Confederate artillery fire.

Dutch Gap Canal

On September 28, 1864, Pvt. Varney along with his officers and comrades from the 4th USCI left Jones Landing via gunboat transport and soon disembarked at Deep Bottom. The 4th made camp that evening and got a little sleep. According to Sgt. Maj. Christian Fleetwood, some men made coffee before forming up to make the assault on the Confederate earthwork lines along New Market Heights Road.

The 4th led the attack. Before stepping off, the soldiers received instructions to leave their knapsacks, to take only a blanket roll, haversack, and canteen in addition to their rifle musket and accouterments. In addition, the men were to load their rifles, but not cap them, and to affix their bayonets. Right behind and just offset to the left of the 4th, the 6th USCI followed.

It is unknown at what point in the assault, whether it was before reaching the Confederate abatis obstacles or among it, but Pvt. Varney received wounds to the head, right arm, and his right side. Unlike many of his comrades, Varney left the New Market Heights battlefield still clinging to life. Transported to the XVIII Corps base hospital at Point of Rocks, on the Appomattox River near City Point. Efforts to treat Pvt. Varney's wounds ultimately proved unsuccessful. He passed away on October 6.

Point of Rocks Hospital Complex

  
Originally buried at the Point of Rocks soldier's cemetery, Pvt. Varney was later moved to the City Point National Cemetery where today he rests in peace in grave number 4131. Pvt. Varney, you are remembered!

Period images courtesy Library of Congress.

Capturing a Brigadier General at Fort Stedman

Today, Petersburg National Battlefield's Fort Stedman is the epitome of peacefulness. But on the early morning of March 25, 1865, it was anything but pacific. It was the roiling scene of two desperate armies; one wishing to put a serious dent into the other, the other determined to maintain its hard-earned position.

That early spring morning, Maj. Gen. John B. Gordon led his corps of Army of Northern Virginia soldiers on a sneak attack at a point where the Union and Confederate lines were within a good stone's-throw apart. The goal of the assault was to rupture the Union IX Corps line, threaten the U.S. Military Railroad line about a mile behind it. This hopefully would cause Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant to contract his ever leftward-expanding line in order to protect the vital Union supply base at City Point.

Initially, all went well for the Southerners. Gordon's men were able to fool the Union pickets by claiming they were deserters keen on turning in themselves and their muskets. The federal sentries were largely fooled and thus not able to give a warning shot to their comrades back along the main line. Led by accompanying pioneers, who cut through the "no man's land" obstacles, the Confederate tidal wave crashed into and over Fort Stedman, and the supporting adjacent earthen emplacements. 

Pvt. Gordon Bradwell of the 31st Georgia Infantry was not obligated to participate in the massive charge that March 25 morning. He had just spent time on picket duty.  Bradwell initially watched and cheered from the Confederate earthworks sidelines. However, when a bullet knocked his hat off, and as he felt, "my right ear with it," he decided he would join in, as he would rather die among his comrades than behind the fighting.

At about the time Bradwell made it to the Union picket's rifle pits, he encountered Gen. Gordon speaking with a Union officer. As he attempted to continue on, Bradwell was stopped by Gordon and introduced the Brigadier General Napoleon B. McLaughlin, who commanded a brigade in the IX Corps. Captured early in the fight by Bradwell's comrade, Lt. William Gwyn of the 31st Georgia, McLaughlin was shuttled toward the rear. Bradwell was instructed by Gordon to guard McLaughlin and take the officer to Petersburg until the battle was over, as Gordon wished to speak to McLaughlin further. Bradwell was ordered to treat the captured general with respect.

Brig. Gen. Napoleon McLaughlin, staff, and camp servant.

On the way to the rear McLaughlin asked to stop and watch the battle in progress from what the felt was a safe position. Bradwell thought the general could be killed if they stayed there, but relented and both men watched as the belligerents contended for the position. McLaughin told Bradwell that he was sure that it was only a matter of time before the Union defenders succeeded in reclaiming their lost ground. Continuing on, the unlikely pair of guard and captive encountered one of McLaughlin's officers, who was also a prisoner and McLaughlin related his capture story. Bradwell told McLaughlin's story as follows: "As our boys mounted those formidable works, which were made almost impregnable, and jumped down into the fort among the bayonets, in the darkness and confusion of the fighting the general met Lieutenant Gwyn, of our sharpshooters, who ordered him  to surrender. This the general at first refused to do and asked him if he was an officer. To this Gwyn replied, 'It does not matter, sir, whether I am or not, surrender or I will blow out your brains.' And surrender he did." That is where Bradwell left the story, before picking up with his account of evacuating Petersburg a week later on April 2.

Interestingly, Gen. McLaughlin left an account, too, albeit with less narrative than Bradwell's. It is located in the Official Records, and was written from the parole camp at Annapolis, Maryland, two days after the evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond.

After awaking to the first sounds of the battle, McLaughlin rushed with his staff to the scene of action. Passing along the line, McLaughlin checked on his units. Learning that the mortar battery at Battery 11 were now in enemy hands, McLaughlin sent orders for the 59th Massachusetts, then in reserve, to hit the works with fixed bayonets. Those effort proved successful with the recapture of that part of the line.

McLaughlin moved on to Fort Stedman to see how he could help. He related his experience as follows: "I crossed the parapet into Fort Stedman on the right, and meeting some men coming over the curtains, whom in the darkness I supposed to be part of the picket, I established them inside the work, giving direction with regard to position and firing, all of which were instantly obeyed. In a few minutes I saw a man crossing the parapet, whose uniform in the dawning light I recognized to be the enemy's, and I halted him asking him his regiment." This must have been Lt. Gwyn of the 31st Georgia. McLaughin continued that, "This called attention to myself, and the next moment I was surrounded by rebels, whom I supposed to be my men, and was sent to the rear, where I found General Gordon, to whom I delivered my sword, and was sent by him [via Bradwell] to Petersburg."

McLaughlin also included that while he was conversing with Gordon in no-man's-land, four Confederate brigades continued the charge, with each commander reporting to Gordon. In addition, two federal staff officers, one of whom (Lt. Sturgis) was from McLaughlin's staff, passed as prisoners going to the Confederate rear.

Like so many other prisoners during the Petersburg Campaign, McLaughin made his way to Richmond by rail. He soon arrived at Libby prison where he remained until April 2. Apparently, with all the confusion during the evacuation, McLaughin and the other Union officers held at Libby received paroles and came to Annapolis by way of Fort Monroe.

In his report, McLaughlin provided a tally for his brigade's Fort Stedman prisoners. "There were 16 officers of my brigade captured besides myself, and about 480 enlisted men, all of whom were paroled." The general did not blame his command for their misfortune. "Rather all were vigilant and and on the alert, officers and men, and all was done that lay within the bounds of possibility," McLaughin reported. He believed it was the Confederates' ability to silently capture the Union pickets under the ruse of being deserters that led to their initial success, and his and his men's capture. The additional fact that two Confederate divisions (with a third in reserve) made the attack and overwhelmed his brigade also contributed.

Fortunately for McLaughlin and his men, their parole ensured a relatively easy prison experience. That, combined with their capture very late in the campaign, meant that they would not endure a lengthy stay at a hell hole like Andersonville, Salisbury, Florence, or Point Lookout, Fort Delaware, or Elmira, as so many other soldiers did earlier in the campaign for the Cockade City. 

Images courtesy of the Library of Congress

Sources:
Under the Southern Cross: Soldier Life with Gordon Bradwell and the Army of Northern Virginia, edited by Pharris Deloach Johnson, Mercer University Press, 1999.

O.R., Series 1, Vol. 46, Part 1, pgs. 331-332.

The Fighting Bantums of the 4th USCI

I have made a conscious effort to read just about everything that I can get my hands on that covers the Battle of New Market Heights and the men who fought there. Books, magazine articles, and primary documents are all excellent sources of information. Reading such materials can sometimes also help open new areas of inquiry, investigation, and discovery.

Recently, I purchased a little book titled, Combat: Union Infantryman Versus Confederate Infantryman, Eastern Theater, 1861-1865, and published by Osprey Publishing in 2013. This slim volume focuses primarily on three battles: First Manassas, Gettysburg, and Chaffin's Farm/New Market Heights. In the chapter on New Market Heights the author mentions two brothers killed in the fighting, Joseph and Robert Bantum from Companies G and H, respectively of the 4th United States Colored Infantry. Unfortunately, the author does not provide a citation for where he found this information, although he does use citations for other accounts about the battle.

Curious to see what I could find out about these supposed brothers, I went to Fold3.com to dig a little deeper. Well, the first thing I noticed was that there were eight Bantams listed for the 4th USCI. Interesting! So, I made a little chart to keep track of what I found. Luckily, only two of them had the same first name. In my chart I also wrote down their pre-war free or slave status, heights, ages, enlistment dates and places, home county and state, complexions, and, of course, their fates.

What I found when I analyzed this collected information gives me a good deal of confidence in saying that more than two of these men were likely related. They may have been cousins, but there are enough common variables to make even the most skeptical person say, hmmmmmmm. By the by, their last names are spelled in various ways throughout their service and census records; Bantum, Bantam, Bantom, etc. I will go with Bantum to maintain a consistency, and because it appears to be used most often.

Let's start with an alphabetical list of the men:
Edward Bantum, Co. G, 22 years old, 5-6 tall, enlisted 8/11/63 in Baltimore, free man, dark brown, Talbot Co., MD

Franklin Bantum, Co, K, 20 years old, 5-7 tall, enlisted 9/2/63 in Baltimore, free man, black, Eastern Shore, MD

John Bantum, Co. F, 21 years old, 5-4.5 tall, enlisted 8/4/63 in Baltimore, enslaved, brown, Talbot Co., MD

John Bantum, Co. H, 24 years old, 5-7.5 tall, enlisted 8/11/63 in Baltimore, free man, mulatto, Talbot Co., MD

Joseph H. Bantum, Co. G, 18 years old, 5-6.5 tall, enlisted 8/11/1863 in Baltimore, free man, brown, Talbot Co., MD

Perry Bantum, Co, K, 42 years old, 5-8.5 tall, enlisted 9/2/63 in Baltimore, free man, black, Talbot Co., MD

Richard Bantum, Co. K, 39 years old, enlisted 9/2/63 in Baltimore, free man, black, Talbot Co., MD

Robert Bantum, Co. H, 26 years old, enlisted 8/11/63 in Baltimore, free man, brown, Talbot Co., MD

The first thing that stuck me, other than two outliers (Perry-42, and Richard-39), were the similarities in ages. All the other men were between 18-25, a common age range for Civil War soldiers, whether they be white or black.

The second thing that stood out to me were their enlistment dates. Although it is certainly not a definite, it stands to reason that relatives, whether they be brothers or cousins, might want to enlist together. The two older Bantams, Perry and Richard, along with Franklin, all enlisted on September 2, 1863, and interestingly, the same company.

However it is the four men who enlisted on August 11, 1863, who really caught my attention. Edward (22), John (24), Joseph (18), and Robert (26) all signed up on the same day, and their ages are spaced almost perfectly to be brothers. Looking at other similarities between these four men, one finds their heights quite similar, 5-6, 5-7.5, 5-6.5, 5-8.5, and their complexions (dark brown, brown, brown, and with John, a mulatto, being different), too; although complexion is a very subjective variable. Another common denominator is that the four were assigned to the same two companies (Edward and Joseph - Co. G, and John and Robert - Co. H). Companies G and H are obviously next to each other alphabetically, and could have been filled as such.

I thought I could simply confirm these four men's relationship by looking up the 1860 census and seeing if they were together in the same household. Alas, I found the four, but they were all living in different homes. Some of them were living with white households working as "farm laborers." The youngest, Joseph, appears to still be at home with his mother Ellen (40). Apparently, the older one had already left home and gone to work for other people, although they still lived in the same Trappe District, Talbot County, Maryland area. My next thought was to go back to the 1850 census and see if the family was still intact a decade earlier, but unfortunately, my search was inconclusive.

Moving back to these four men's service records, I found that regardless of whether they were brothers, cousins, or mixture of brothers and cousins, they certainly left a legacy of sacrifice to the United States, the cause of freedom, and citizenship. Of these four men, only one would survive the war. All four were either killed, wounded, or mortally wounded in combat actions. I'll provide a little information about what I discovered for each man.

Pvt. Edward Bantum, apparently a sailor before enlisting, was wounded in action during the initial attacks on Petersburg on June 15, 1864. A gunshot wound to the right hand cost him his fore and middle fingers and was severe enough to warrant a discharge, as he left the service on November 28, 1864, after a recovery at Grant General Hospital at Willets Point, New York City. Edward holds my only hope of ever finding out if these four men were indeed brothers. Perhaps he received a pension for his disability, and if I am so fortunate, perhaps he mentions enlisting with them in his application. I will have to see if a pension exists, and then get to the National Archives to read it. Edward died on July 14, 1914. Today, he rests in peace at the Hampton National Cemetery.

Pvt. John Bantum is listed as a "laborer" before his enlistment. Always present for duty, John was court martialed on June 12, 1864, for what probably seems to modern readers an insignificant dereliction of duty, but at the time was considered quite serious. It happened on May 17, 1864, at the 4th USCI encampment near Broadway Landing (between Petersburg and City Point on the Appomattox River). It appears that John was posted as a picket with the instructions to not let anyone pass in or out of the lines, "neither officers nor men, Citizens nor soldiers." However, he allowed the 4th USCTIs Major Augustus S. Boernstein and two other officers through the picket line without stopping them. John was found guilty and fined $5.00, deducted from this pay.

During the fighting at the Battle of New Market Heights, John was wounded in the left leg. Apparently evacuated from the battlefield, he received treatment, which included amputation at the thigh. John ended up at the General Hospital at Fort Monroe, where he died on October 4, 1864, from the effects of his wound. I was unable to locate the grave for Pvt. John Bantum.

Pvt. Joseph H. Bantum was a "farmer" before his enlistment. Joseph's records state that he deserted from Camp Yorktown on April 3, 1864. However, he was "arrested" about three weeks later. It appears that he spent about four months in "confinement," as he returned to duty on August 11, 1864. The next muster card, that of September and October 1864 reads: "Killed in action, September 29, 1864 at New Market Heights, Va." No effects were listed on his death inventory. I was unable to find where Pvt. Joseph H. Bantum is buried.

Pvt. Robert A. Bantum, the oldest of the four that I suspect were brothers, or at least cousins, was also a farmer before enlisting. Robert appears to have been the model soldier; always present. He did receive hospitalization for an undisclosed illness sometime between May and June 1864, but was back present in July and August. He, too, was at New Market Heights, and that battle would also take his life. "Killed in action" is such a tragic thing to read while researching soldiers. One always wonders what future potential was snuffed out by the fate of war.

The other Bantums in the 4th USCI all survived the conflict, but they likely suffered ill health effects long after leaving the service. 42-year old Perry Bantum was discharged on June 26, 1865, in Goldsboro, North Carolina for disability. His records show he was sick and hospitalized often. He also suffered from rheumatism. Franklin Bantum was wounded in the right hand, which required an operation, and that he received in action at Fort Fisher, North Carolina on February 11, 1865. He was discharged from service on June 26, 1865, due to his disability. The formerly enslaved John Bantum mustered out with the 4th USCI on May 4, 1866. At the end of his army career he received a promotion to corporal. In his records are papers from his former owner, Thomas Leonard, claiming loyalty to the United States, staking title to John, and seeking compensation for his enlistment and thus freedom. Leonard received $300.00. John apparently died in Wilmington, Delaware, on March 28, 1928. He rests in peace there at the Mount Olive Cemetery. 39-year old Richard Bantum seems to have had a relatively incident free service. He was hospitialzed at one point, but otherwise was always present for duty until he mustered out on May 4, 1866.

With all of these men coming from the same county there is certainly some family relationship between at least some of them. As stated above, I believe that at least four of the men were very close kin. Further research will hopefully confirm that that suspicion. Regardless of their true family connections, it goes without saying that the Bantums from Talbot County, Maryland deserve special recognition for their service to the United States. I am truly happy do my little part to share their amazing record of service and sacrifice.