Dying Far From Home – Pvt. William Richfield, Co. B, 4th USCI

 

By the time the Battle of New Market Heights occurred, the 4^th United States Colored Troops (USCI) had already endured enemy fire several times. Their baptism in combat came on June 15, 1864, in the Army of the Potomac’s initial Union attacks on Petersburg. As part of Gen. Edward Hincks’ Division of the XVIII Corps, Army of the James, the 4^th USCI ran into opposition along the City Point Road as it marched toward Petersburg.

The 4^th’s sergeant major, Christian A. Fleetwood, recorded his thoughts on June 15 in his pocket diary. Of the morning’s scrap at Baylor’s Farm, Fleetwood noted, “Up at break of dawn and under way . . . went into action early charged out of woods. Cut up badly Regt. Broke and retreated Fired into by 5^th Mass. [Colored Cavalry]. Last Regt charged with 22^nd [USCI]-Took the [Confederate] Battery.”

After securing the prized guns, Hincks’ Division moved on toward the Dimmock Line defending the Cockade City. Fleetwood again recorded the events: “Lay under their fire all balance of the day advancing by degree in line about 7 P.M. Final charge made Seven guns taken by our Regt. Our loss pretty heavy.” It is unknown whether Fleetwood’s 4^th USCI comrade and fellow Baltimorean, Pvt. William Richfield, received his wound at Baylor’s Farm or during the attacks on the Dimmock Line, but it was significant enough to need treatment at a Union general hospital. Richfield’s June 15 wound would not be his last.

Like so many United States Colored Troops soldiers, unfortunately, not much is known about William Richfield’s life before he enlisted in the 4^th USCI. He does appear on a July 1863 draft registration for Baltimore’s 13^th Ward. Apparently, Richfield lived at 40 Hill Street. He gave his age as 22 as of July 1, 1863, and was a married man. The vague label of laborer notes Richfield’s occupation. Although Richfield’s Compiled Military Service Record states that he was a free man of color before the war, a search produced no hits in the 1850 and 1860 censuses.

Fortunately, Richfield’s service records do give some additional information on the man. Interestingly, his service record age is three years advanced from what the draft board noted although taken at approximately the same time. Richfield is described as five feet, eight inches tall, and having a “black” complexion. “Laborer,” again, was his stated occupation. He enlisted in his hometown of Baltimore on July 21, 1863, and assigned to Company B. In addition, it also appears that Richfield performed additional daily duty as a drummer for the 4^th USCI.   

Richfield likely endured additional enemy fire in the trenches around Petersburg during the summer of 1864. However, all that came before paled in comparison to the combat faced on September 29, 1864, at New Market Heights. The 4^th USCI led the charge early that morning through the mist, and in the written words of Fleetwood’s diary, “got used up.” During the severe fighting, Richfield received a second wounding in his service. Removed from the New Market Heights battlefield, Richfield received transport for medical treatment.

It is unknown if Richfield first received medical aid locally at either the Point of Rocks or City Point hospitals, but eventually, he was either treated at or on the way to the general hospital at Fort Monroe when he died from his wound or wounds on October 5, 1864, aboard the steamer Thomas Powell (shown below). Richfield’s service records indicate he left no personal effects. However, he apparently did leave a wife as a widow, and possibly children, too.

Today, Pvt. William Richfield rests in grave number 1291 in the Hampton National Cemetery. Although his headstone misspells his last name, the Battle of New Market Heights Memorial and Education Association recognizes the sacrifice of his life in service to the United States. Hopefully by sharing his story with the public we can give him a measure of immortality that he so truly deserves. Rest in peace, soldier.

Recent Acquisitions to My Library

It is difficult to believe that we are already a week into October. Having not posted yet this month means that I am a little behind if I am going to hit my target of nine posts. A significant amount of my time and mental energy has gone into work for the Battle of New Market Heights Memorial and Education Association. Demands at work have also increased which take away some "off hours" for preparation. Of course, my pace of reading has slacked, too. Regardless, I am still finding a few books here and there from my "wishlist" that are available at the right price.   

Despite leaving Kentucky over five years so, my interest in the border region has not dissipated. The Ohio River separated slave state Kentucky from free states Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. Somehow Union proved stronger than slavery and the Bluegrass State remained part of the United States. In Bonds of Union: Religion, Race, and Politics in a Civil War Borderland, author Bridget Ford examines these factors as the glue that helped the region stay together.

The War Went On: Reconsidering the Lives of Civil War Veterans, edited by Brian Matthew Jordan and Evan C. Rothera, is the latest contribution to the growing body of Civil War veterans studies. Fantastic books by Jordan, James Marten, and Donald R. Shaffer, among others, have explored issues that veterans faced as they transitioned back into society and as they aged. This collection of 15 essays promises to unearth even more aspects of soldiers' postwar lives and will certainly make a major contribution to this genre of scholarship. 

An especially intriguing new title is Force and Freedom: Black Abolitionists and the Politics of Violence by Kellie Carter Jackson. My personal interest in John Brown is partly because his vision was so far from the typical moral suasionist white abolitionist. With African Americans having so much at stake in the eradication of slavery, it stands to reason that there would be more variance in methods. Both in  language and action black violence helped create an atmosphere that made white Southerners very uncomfortable and assisted in bringing on the Civil War, and thus ultimately the end of the "peculiar institution."      

Fighting Ranges at Peebles Farm, Sept. 30-Oct. 2, 1864

The peaceful and quiet fields that extend south from the Hart Farm in Dinwiddie County, Virginia, were anything but tranquil during the afternoon of October 2, 1864. The operations that culminated in the engagement on this piece of ground began two days earlier and is popularly known as the Battle of Peebles Farm; part of Gen. Ulysses S. Grant’s Fifth Offensive in the Petersburg Campaign.

After two days of battle, which resulted in significant gains in territory by the Union’s V and IX Corps, Grant wished for more. September 30 and October 1 witnessed a strong push north from around Poplar Springs Church (today’s Sharon Baptist Church), then up Squirrel Level Road through the Peebles Farm. The continued thrust north up Church Road nabbed Confederate Fort Archer and pushed on to the adjoining farms of John Pegram and Albert W. Boisseau, and right up to the Robert H. Jones farmhouse.

Joining the fray on October 2 were brigades of Gen. Gersham Mott’s Division of the II Corps. Instead of traveling north with the V and IX Corps, they moved west toward Duncan Road, and hopefully the Boydton Plank Road beyond, to test if defenses protected these routes. Opposing them were Confederate cavalry led by Col. Joel R. Griffin, who fell back to the line of earthworks recently under construction through the Hart Farm. William McRae’s North Carolina brigade of infantry soon relieved the horsemen at the works.

Around noon, Brig. Gen. B. R. Pierce developed his brigade into a reconnaissance in force to test the defenders. At 2:00 p.m., led by Lt. Col. George Zinn of the 84^th Pennsylvania, the brigade formed up in line of battle about 200 yards or so from the works in a shallow ravine of Reedy Branch. At 3:00 p.m. the charge went forward toward the Confederate works at the Hart House. The Confederates replied with fierce fire from McRae’s infantry defenders and artillery from Ellett’s Virginia Battery. Zinn soon determined that the effort was futile without risking great loss of life and ordered his men to retire. The brief assault resulted in the Union brigade losing 5 men killed, 49 wounded, and 14 missing; most of whom were probably captured. Among the wounded was Zinn; hit in the right leg. Zinn’s 84^th comrade, Capt. J. J. Wirsing, initially presumed dead in the attack, actually became a prisoner. McRae reported no losses on October 2.

Convinced the Confederate defenses were too strong to risk another assault, Mott withdrew back to the Peebles Farm line. There the Federals started digging in to ensure they kept the valuable ground they had gained in the three-day battle.

Lighting the Way

 

We take much for granted in our modern age. Today, for example, lighting is an expected reality. Only when the electrical power goes down do we start looking for a backup plan to see at night. Certainly, the mid-nineteenth century was a much darker place than today. However, people of that era, too, looked for lighting alternatives to continue to work and play long after the sun set.

From the 1700s into the early 1800s, one of the most popular forms of lighting came from whale oil. Seafaring expeditions, often originating from New England states and venturing around South America to the whaling grounds of the Pacific Ocean could last several years at a time. Rendering whale fat produced the oil substance that illuminated many homes, businesses, and some urban streets. Another common lighting source came from distilled turpentine, called camphene. Produced largely from pine tree forest plantations in the South, and often utilizing enslaved labor, camphene ended up serving various lighting needs across the United States. Yet another method of illumination came through gas. By burning bituminous coal in a controlled environment, it emitted gas. Routed to homes, businesses, and street lamps through pipes and valves, gas users paid a service subscription. Virginia cities such as Petersburg, Richmond, and Alexandria, all had gas lighting available before the Civil War to those who could afford it.

The nineteenth century also saw innovations in making fire. Matches, often known then by a brand name (Lucifers), came from dipping wood sticks into a mixture of phosphorus and other flammable ingredients. Now, instead of kindling a fire from the sparks of flint and steel, striking a match could produce an instant usable flame.

Lighting was a challenge for Civil War soldiers. The most common artificial light for individual use came from candles. Made from a variety of substances, mid-nineteenth century candles created enough light for nighttime tasks and were easy to carry. Natural substances such as beef tallow, swine lard, whale oil (spermaceti), and beeswax, as well with chemical processes (stearin), and refined ingredients such as paraffin, converted those materials into light. Manufactured by individuals hand-dipping, cottage industries through molds, and factories with steam presses, candles poured into the marketplace by the millions. Civil War army regulations even stipulated that along with their food rations, soldiers were to receive a certain allotment of candles per company. Many a letter to the home front from the front lines—or in the opposite direction—came after the day’s work or fighting was complete and with the aid of the simple candle.

A Signal Success

Imagine receiving vital intelligence that could potentially change the outcome a military campaign, and yet having to rely on a horse and rider to deliver that information. By the time the receiver gets the message, the situation could have changed drastically, rendering a lost opportunity. Real time communication during the American Civil War was a true challenge for those in leadership positions. And while the invention of the telegraph fifteen years or so before helped reduce much of the time and distance problem, running wires, setting poles, manufacturing telegraph keys, and locating experienced operators, all presented numerous logistical issues.

One way that Civil War armies battled the communication issue was through the use of signal flags and the utilization of observation and signal towers. A carte de visite photograph in the Collections of Pamplin Historical Park and the National Museum of the Civil War Soldier shows one such signal tower used during the Petersburg Campaign.

Due to the relatively flat terrain around Petersburg, it was often necessary for men in the Union and Confederate signal corps to get to an elevated position—either a constructed tower or a high tree—to send and receive information. Using the so-called “wig-wag” system, a series of directional flag waving developed by Maj. Albert Myer before the Civil War, both sides incorporated the system to effectively communicate during the conflict.

The observation and signal tower shown in the Park’s carte de visite is identified as the one located at Cobb’s Hill on the Appomattox River. This Union tower stood 110 feet high. Constructed beside Fort Zabriskie, it was not far from Point of Rocks on the Bermuda Hundred. It served as a vital communication link between the Army of the James and the Army of the Potomac. Built by the army’s Engineers, the tower consisted primarily of pine logs fastened together to form a six level structure with a “crow’s nest” atop.   

The Union army had a series of signal towers that ran near the U.S. Military Railroad line from City Point (present-day Hopewell), out to the far Union left end of the earthwork line at Fort Fisher. The tower located behind Fort Fisher rose to over 140 feet. One Maryland Confederate soldier commented on the towering timbers: “From its top the curious Federals have the satisfaction of seeing all that is going on in our lines. They will next mount a telescope to ascertain what we eat and the color of our hair. Go ahead, Mr. Yankee! But use it for religious purposes, as the top of your observatory is the nearest you will ever get to heaven.” A Union chaplain who ventured up in the towner confirmed the Maryland soldier’s suspicions. He wrote, “We could see rebels very distinctly, their defences, camps, etc. We also had a fine view of Petersburg. . . .”

The Cobb’s Hill signal tower remained in use to the end of the Petersburg campaign. Although Confederates targeted the lofty structure with artillery fire, it apparently remained unharmed.

Dying Far From Home - Sgt. James Lea, Co. K, 22nd USCI

The lack of surviving pre-war personal information about men who served in Civil War armies highlights the pervading anonymity of most 19^th century individuals. This was particularly true for African Americans. Before the war, enslaved men had few opportunities to leave documentation. Free black men, not considered citizens at that time, left frustratingly few records, too.

We do not know much about James Lea before he enlisted in Company K, 22^nd United States Colored Infantry (USCI), however, a few historical clues do remain. Lea appears in the 1850 census. At that time he was residing in his native Chester County, Pennsylvania. Living in his father Richard’s household, the 14 year-old James’ family also included his mother, Jane, his four sisters and one brother. Unfortunately, I was unable to find Lea in the 1860 census. But he appears in an interesting 1863 draft registration record. This document helps us fill in some biographical voids. First, it tells us that Lea was not married. It also corroborates his age from the 1850 census, as the 1863 document reports his age as 26. It lists Lea’s occupation as laborer, a vague description to be sure, but this record spells his last name as Lea instead of Lee, which some other records do. Additionally, the draft registration also tells us that Lea was somewhat traveled, in that it lists men eligible for the draft in Robinson Township, Allegheny County, Pennsylvania. Allegheny County, which is near Pittsburgh in the western part of the Keystone State is quite a distance from his native Chester County, near Philadelphia, in the east.

James Lea must have made a final trip back east, as his compiled service records state that he enlisted in Philadelphia on January 4, 1864. Joining up for three years, the 27-year old, six-foot, one-inch Lea gave his pre-war occupation as “brickmaker.” About a month and a half into his career as a soldier, Lea received a promotion to sergeant.

Lea fought with the 22^nd USCI during the June 15, 1864, assaults on Petersburg. The regiment braved their first baptism in fire marvelously, capturing several Confederate positions and pieces of artillery.  During the summer of 1864, Lea served on detached duty at Dutch Gap, apparently working on Maj. Gen. Benjamin Butler’s massive canal project. Although some of his comrades became casualties from the brutal Confederate artillery and sharpshooter fire, Lea remained unscathed.

The 22^nd USCI was among the regiments that made up the three brigades of the Third Division of the XVIII Corps in the Army of the James. Tabbed in Maj. Gen. Butler’s battle plan to attack the Confederate defenses that protected the New Market Road, just southeast of Richmond, Virginia, the Third Division started toward the enemy through a misty fog on the morning of September 29, 1864. Acting as skirmishers and supporting the left flank of the Third and Second Brigades during their frontal attacks, the soldiers of the 22^nd also took significant casualties. During the final push, and ultimate breakthrough, the 22^nd led the attack of the First Brigade (Col. John H. Holman’s), which also included the 1^st and 37^th USCI regiments. Capt. Albert Janes, in writing the after-action report for the 22^nd USCI, stated that: “The enemy was found to be in force beyond the woods in rifle-pits covering the New Market road. The rifle-pits had an abatis in front. As the charging column came up to the support of the skirmish line a part of the regiment assembled on the right and moved forward into the works, driving the enemy in confusion from them.”

It is unknown whether Sgt. James Lea received his death wound, or wounds, fighting as a skirmisher or in the brigade’s assault. All that his service records tell us is that he was “killed in action near New Market road, Va. Sept. 29, 1864.” Lea was one of the 11 men from the 22^nd USCI either killed or who ultimately died from their wounds at the Battle of New Market Heights.

Today, Sgt. James Lea rests in peace in grave number 460 in Fort Harrison National Cemetery. Despite the misspelled last name on his headstone, his story is without doubt one of service and sacrifice. We remember Sgt. Lea, for his commitment to the ideals upon which the United States was founded. It is only too sad that 156 years later we as a nation are still trying to figure out how to consistently practice those founding principles.

Overcoming Obstacles: Lt. James Monroe Trotter

 

Learning about the lives of Civil War soldiers before their enlistments, as well as what they accomplished during their time in service, can often be inspiring. Many came from humble beginnings yet still displayed a determination to better themselves and those around them, earning many soldiers well-deserved respect from modern-day history students. That is particularly true with many of the men who served in African American regiments. A good example is James Monroe Trotter. A seldom seen carte de visite photograph of Trotter is among the items held and preserved by Pamplin Historical Park and the National Museum of the Civil War Soldier.

Born in 1842 in Grand Gulf, Mississippi, James Monroe Trotter was the son of an enslaved woman named Letitia and his mother’s owner. Apparently afforded some learning opportunities while still enslaved, Trotter, his mother, and two sisters eventually landed in Cincinnati, Ohio, about a decade before the Civil War. In Cincinnati, Trotter received further education at Gilmore’s School and later began teaching in African American communities in the Ohio River Valley.

However, the Civil War interrupted Trotter’s teaching career. Only 19 years old when the conflict began, Trotter enlisted two years later, after Massachusetts started recruiting primarily Northern free men of color for their 54^th and 55^th Infantry regiments. Trotter made his way to Readville, Massachusetts, where he enlisted in Company K of the 55^th Massachusetts on June 11, 1863, becoming its first sergeant. He officially mustered into service 11 days later. A promotion to sergeant major came on November 19, 1863.

The 55^th Massachusetts still had not left the state at the time that their sister unit, the 54^th, earned their glory at Battery Wagner, South Carolina, on July 18, 1863, but they soon embarked to duty in North and South Carolina. The 55^th also served in Florida, and participated in engagements on James Island, South Carolina, as well as at Honey Hill, South Carolina, in November 1864, where Trotter received a wound.

During his service, Trotter worked diligently to educate the men under his direction, both mentally and politically. He taught soldiers how to read and write, despite a lack of books and other learning materials. He also actively sought equal pay for African American soldiers by getting his comrades to refuse their pay until it met that of white Union soldiers. Trotter’s and others’ efforts produced results when the army finally equalized pay on June 13, 1864.

Trotter’s leadership skills helped him eventually become one of the few African American commissioned officers outside of the army’s medical department. He received a 2^nd lieutenant’s commission in the spring of 1864, but unfortunately the army tabled it until 15 months later, in July 1865. However, once made official, his lieutenant’s pay was retroacted to April 1864.

After the war Trotter returned to Ohio, married, started a family and moved to Boston, where he felt his family had more social and educational opportunities. In Boston, Trotter worked as a clerk in the post office, and in 1878, wrote and published “Music and Some Musical People,” a history of African American music. Tragically, Trotter’s impressive life proved short. He died at age 50 from tuberculosis in 1892.

The Punishment Horse

With the majority of Civil War soldiers being in their late teens and early twenties, it stands to reason that commissioned officers and NCOs would have a fair share of disciplinary cases to contend with. Many men, away from home for the first time and just becoming accustomed to losing their civilian liberties, made mistakes. Minor infractions such as speaking back to ranking superiors, being late for roll call, not keeping their weapon clean, or shirking various camp fatigue duties called for methods of correction.

During the war, both Union and Confederate armies banned whipping as a disciplinary method. But with such a diversity of infractions, and yet without an established code for punishing infractions, officers could get quite inventive with their choice of penalties. However, most officers and NCOs believed that the most effective measures were those that both corrected the guilty party and also served as an example for their observing comrades.

A favorite disciplinary tool was the “punishment horse.” Offending soldiers were required to sit for determined duration on an uncomfortable rail while in full view of their fellow soldiers. The effect of this form of punishment was twofold: first, soldiers were humiliated among their peers, and second their physical discomfort served as a corrective reminder that there were consequences for ill behavior.

Paying a High Price: Casualties for the 22nd USCI at the Battle of New Market Heights

During the Civil War, the 22nd United States Colored Infantry (USCI) earned one of the finest battle records among African American regiments. They performed wonderfully in the June 15, 1864, fighting at Baylor's Farm, as well as that day's ensuing assaults on the Petersburg defenses. Later, while manning the trenches, they came under heavy artillery and musket fire on July 30 that resulted in a number of casualties. The regiment also served dangerous and arduous duty at the Dutch Gap canal project where they lost several soldiers. The 22nd USCI fought bravely at the Battle of New Market Heights on September 29, and the following day at Chaffin's Farm, stubbornly holding the captured ground. On October 27, at the Battle of Fair Oaks, they again endured high casualties doing their duty. It was for their courageous actions at these battles and for their exemplary discipline that the 22nd received the honor of participating in President Lincoln's funeral procession.

Although the 22nd USCI was not part of the two main attacking brigades at the Battle of New Market Heights, they did serve initially as skirmish support on the left of those assaults, and then they led their own brigade's attack against the Confederate earthwork line. In doing so they suffered significant casualties. Searching through the soldiers' compiled service records for the regiment, I was able to gather a list of the men killed in action, fatally wounded, and those wounded who survived. I have included their rank, name, company, age at enlistment, place of birth, place of enlistment, and any additional information provided from their service records. 

Killed in Action

Pvt. Joseph H. Brown, Co. H, 25, Burlington Co., NJ; Philadelphia, PA; “is short sighted and obliged to wear glasses”

Sgt. James Lea (Lee), Co. K, 29, Delaware, NJ; Philadelphia, PA

Pvt. Jesse Ryer, Co. I, 20, New York, NY; Philadelphia, PA

Pvt. Carney Saunders, Co. H, 30, Allentown, NJ; Philadelphia, PA

Corp. Obadiah Treford, Co. G, 25, Virginia; Waterford, NJ

Pvt. Elias Tucker, Co. D, 25, Lancaster County, PA; Lancaster, PA

Fatally Wounded

Pvt. Joshua Brown, Co. G, 25, Burlington Co., NJ; Medford, NJ; died on 10-9-1864 from gunshot wounds of left thigh and testicles

Pvt. Benjamin Folk, Co. B, 18, Unknown; Philadelphia, PA; died on 10-6-1864 from gunshot wound through right lung

Pvt. Wilson Howard, Co. E, 18, Washington Co., PA; New Brighton, PA; died on 12-28-1864 from wounds received in action

Pvt. Alfred James, Co. K, 35, Phillips, NJ; Philadelphia, PA; died on 10-11-1864 from gunshot wound through left thigh

Pvt. Peter Thompson, Co. E, 28, Bergen, NJ; Philadelphia, PA; died on 10-22-1864 from gunshot wounds received September 29, 1864

Wounded Survived – Co. A

Corp. John Q. Adams, 19, Salem Co., NJ; Philadelphia, PA

Pvt. William H. Conover, 34, Monmouth Co., NJ; Philadelphia, PA

Pvt. William Mott, 25, Atlantic County, NJ; Philadelphia, PA

Pvt. Edward Spencer, 19, Salem Co., NJ; Philadelphia, PA

Wounded Survived – Co. B

Pvt. Alton Cooper, 23, Woods, DE; Philadelphia, PA

Pvt. John Hall, 26, Chester Co., MD; Philadelphia, PA

Pvt. Charles Jackson, 21, Unknown; Philadelphia, PA

Pvt. Isaac Van Dorn, 18, Hunterdon Co., NJ; Philadelphia, PA; disability discharge for gunshot wound to right knee

2^nd Lt. Oliver M. Knight, 25, New Hampshire; Philadelphia, PA

Pvt. Edward McGraw, 18, Lewiston, PA; Lancaster, PA

Wounded Survived – Co. C

Pvt. Jeremiah Betts, 21, Wilmington, DE; Wilmington, DE; gunshot wound right thigh

Wounded Survived – Co. D

Pvt. John Harrison, 18, Edgefield Co., SC; Chambersburg, PA

Pvt. George Potts, 20, Cumberland Co., PA; Harrisburg, PA

Pvt. George Price, 26, New Castle Co., DE; Philadelphia, PA; disability discharge 8-17-1865 from loss of index finger and partial loss of use of left hand

Pvt. Alfred Scott, 19, Williamsport, PA; Pittsburgh, PA; disability discharge 11-8-1865 from gunshot wound to left wrist

Sgt. Greenberry Stanton, 22, Gettysburg, PA; Philadelphia, PA

Wounded Survived – Co. E

Pvt. John Griffin, 24, Kent Co., DE; Philadelphia, PA

Wounded Survived – Co. F

None found

Wounded Survived – Co. G

Pvt. George W. Brown, 27, Camden Co., NJ; Centre, NJ; loss of sight in left eye and injury to face due to gunshot wound; disability discharge 5-17-1865

Pvt. Theodore Buck, 23, Burlington Co., NJ; Lamberton, NJ

Sgt. Joshua Champion, 24, Philadelphia, PA; Philadelphia, PA

Pvt. John C. Davis, 26, Kent Co., DE; Stockton, NJ

Pvt. Vincent Henderson, 35, Clarke Co., VA; Chambersburg, PA; wounded in left arm and right side; disability discharge 5-18-1865

Pvt. James Johnson, 30, Martinsburg, VA; Carlisle, PA

Pvt. William Luff, 21, Kent Co., DE; Stockton, NJ

Pvt. George Morgan, 20, Warren County, OH; McKeesport, PA

Corp. John Myers, 18, Cumberland Co., PA; Mechanicsburg, PA

1^st Sgt. Edward Stoner, 29, Franklin Co., PA; McKeesport, PA

Pvt. John W. Winters, 24, Queen Ann Co., MD; Stockton, NJ

Pvt. John Wright, 35, Baltimore, MD; Carlisle, PA

Wounded Survived – Co. H

None found

Wounded Survived – Co. I

None found

Wounded Survived – Co. K

Pvt. John Brown, 19, Carroll Co., MD; Lancaster, PA

Sgt. Charles Cox, 19, Cape May, NJ; Philadelphia, PA

Pvt. Ezekiel T. Jones, 24, Monroe, NJ; Philadelphia, PA

Pvt. Jerard Penn, 25, Deptford, NJ ;Philadelphia, PA; disability discharge 1-11-1866 from gunshot wound fracturing left tibia

Sgt. John Turnpenny, 27, Harrison, NJ; Philadelphia, PA

Six killed in action, five fatally wounded, and thirty-four wounded. This list was not produced in attempt to sensationalize the pain these men suffered, but rather to acknowledge the sacrifices they were willing to endure to ensure the death of slavery, show themselves men worthy of citizenship and thus the guarantees of the Constitution, and to maintain the Union of the states. It is also hoped that this list will help descendants make connections with their ancestors. Courageously done 22^nd!

The Ubiquitous Tin Cup

In the aftermath of the Battle of Chickamauga, B. F. Taylor, an army corresnpondent from the Chicago Journal, rode with a trainload of Union wounded soldiers seeking care at Nashvile hospitals. "They were loaded upon the train; two platform [flatbed] cars were paved with them, forty on a car. Seven box[cars] were so packed you could not set your foot down amont them as they lay. The roofs of the trains were tiled with them," Taylor wrote.

Taylor continued that during the train ride north, “the attendants are going through the train with coffee graced with milk and sugar—think of that!” “What worn-out faded faces look up at you! They rouse like wounded creatures hunted down to their lairs as you come.” Among the wounded, most of whom had cast away almost all of their other worldly possessions while in retreat, there was no absence of one piece of equipment, the tin cup. Taylor claimed that “The tin cups extended in all sorts of hands but plump, strong ones, tinkle all around you. You are fairly girdled with a tin-cup horizon. How the dull, faint faces brighten as those cups are filled.”

Civil War soldiers, both Union and Confederate, began their military service carrying a number of pieces of equipment they initially deemed vital. However, as they became veteran campaigners, soldiers quickly learned that their marches became less oppressive when they pared down their belongings to the bare minimum. One piece of equipment that usually survived a soldier’s purging was the tin cup.

Often issued by their various state governments upon a soldier mustering into service, tin cups varied greatly in size and style. Another reason cups differed so greatly is that it was an item sutlers carried among their stores to sell to soldiers when cups were lost or damaged. A sutler’s wares came from a variety of manufacturers, which of course, resulted in many different styles.

Some tin cups were tall affairs that sported wire bales to hang over the campfire, while others were squat, shallow vessels. Some had straight sides, while others tapered at the base. Some even had a ribbed ring around the body to provide reinforced support. Period photographic evidence indicates a plethora of shapes and sizes. Perhaps the most common surviving examples are those that are about four inches tall and about four inches in diameter. Almost all tin cups had a wire reinforced handle.

Soldiers used their tin cups for a variety of tasks. Tin cups helped them make coffee, their favorite drink. Soldiers often mixed corn meal or flour with water in their tin cups to prepare their bread rations. Sometimes, unable to stop and fill their canteens, cups made scooping water for a quick drink much easier when crossing a stream. There are even accounts of soldiers using their tin cups as improvised entrenching tools when desperate times called for desperate measures.

In a soldier’s world, where non-essentials became burdensome and thus often discarded, the tin cup remained a vital belonging.   

Recent Acquisitions to My Library

This month I was able to pick up a few books to add to my "to be read" list. And I got a couple that I've read, but wanted in my library.

Up first is Zachary A. Fry's A Republic in the Ranks: Loyalty and Dissent in the Army of the Potomac. A question that historians have pondered is, what political allegiance did the Army of the Potomac primarily express? Democrat or Republican? Were the rank and file one or the other? Were the field and line officers one or the other? Did allegiance shift during the war? If so, who or what created the shift? Fry takes on these questions and others in what promises to be a fantastic look into the Union's most studied army.

Few conflicts have developed as many myths and stories as the American Civil War. It seems that seeds of myths and tales that get sown establish roots, trunks, and branches that never fully disappear, no matter the amount of primary source evidence presented against them. Surely these Civil War stories; how they started, how they changed, and why the remain, tell us something about ourselves, and about how the Civil War changed us as a nation. Cody Marrs explores this intriguing topic, and more, in Not Even Past: The Stories We Keep Telling about the Civil War.   

My current research project into prisoners of war captured during the Petersburg Campaign requires that I be familiar with current scholarship. At least I think that is a good idea . . . another plus is that it gives me excuses to get more books. 

The Battle of Five Forks produced hundreds of Confederate prisoners. I'm interested to learn about some of their capture experiences and compare them to those of prisoners taken earlier in the campaign. The latest study on this battle is Confederate Waterloo: The Battle of Five Forks, April 1, 1865, and the Controversy that Brought Down a General by Michael J. McCarthy. I've heard good things about this book and I'm looking forward to digging into it.

I do not have a whole lot of history heroes. Studying people of the past usually sheds light on unattractive facts that knock them off the pedestal we place them on. I have come to understand that no matter how much we want to admire historical figures they are human, they have faults, and sometimes they make bad decisions and act in less than desirable ways. At the same time, I find it troublesome that some people in our current society seem to dismiss the good that some people of the past accomplished because of some of their missteps. 

One person who I most admire is John Lewis. Reading about his role in the Nashville lunch counter sit ins, the Freedom Rides, the March on Washington, and other trailblazing Civil Rights Movement events shows his courage and commitment to better the United States. I've yet to encounter the erring John Lewis. From my past reading he seems to be a true model citizen. Perhaps Jon Meacham's His Truth is Marching On: John Lewis and the Power of Hope will point out some of Lewis' faults. If it does, it will not matter to me. John Lewis will always be one of my few history heroes.   

Every once in a while I have the great good fortune to read a book before it is released to help the author clarify their argument, catch unintended errors, or suggest additional sources. I enjoy providing what help I can. My friend Stuart Sanders' latest book Murder on the Ohio Belle combines a well-written story about Southern honor with excellent research on the history of a steamboat that served in several roles throughout its lifetime. Stuart was kind enough to provide me with a gratis copy for reading the manuscript. If that is not the definition of a win-win, I don't know what is. By the way, I highly recommend it!

I first read Nature's Civil War: Common Soldiers and the Environment in 1862 Virginia by Kathryn Shively Meier a couple of years ago. I found the author's arguments thought provoking, and the book an excellent addition to the growing body of work about the environmental impact on conflict's fighting men. By studying the 1862 Peninsula and Shenandoah Valley Campaigns she shows how soldiers came up with practical "self-care" measures when the Union and Confederate armies guidelines proved harmful to their health, and thus their ability to soldier. Nature's Civil War is a book that should be in every enthusiast's library. Now, it is in mine. 

New York Tribune on USCTs and Confederate Prisoners at Petersburg

A couple of months ago I shared a couple of posts about 1st United States Colored Troops (USCT) Chaplain Henry McNeal Turner and his mention of some USCTs not taking prisoners during the June 15, 1864, attacks at Petersburg. Turner in dispatches to the Christian Recorder commented that some USCTs refused to accept Confederate soldiers' surrenders that day, and that "over Jordan would be the best place for them, and sent them there with few exceptions." 

The June 15 Petersburg acts of atrocity came largely in reciprocation for the Fort Pillow massacre, which occurred in West Tennessee on April 12, 1864. In that earlier action, an integrated garrison of USCTs and white Unionist Tennessee troops on the Mississippi River refused a surrender demand by forces under the command of Maj. Gen. Nathan Bedford Forrest. Forrest and his soldiers, perhaps frustrated with their inability to capture a fortification at Paducah, Kentucky, a few weeks earlier, successfully stormed Fort Pillow and mercilessly killed many of the black soldiers who attempted to surrender when continued resistance was determined futile. 

Word of the atrocities at Fort Pillow spread quickly through the newspapers and made their way to the USCTs then serving in east central and southeast Virginia. It was in their assaults upon the earthworks at Petersburg where they yelled "Remember Fort Pillow!" as they made their charges and captured several Confederate positions along the Dimmock Line of defensive earthworks.

Recently, while reading some of the Petersburg Daily Express articles, I came across a mention of an article from the New York Tribune that spoke of the USCTs killing Confederate prisoners at Petersburg. Curious to see if I could find said referenced article, I combed the late June 1864 editions of the Tribune on the Library of Congress' Chronicling America digital database and finally found the article. It appeared on page one of the June 21 edition. The main section referencing the incident is clipped and shown above. 

In it the reporter, "Our Special Correspondent," only identified by the initials "W. H. K," either heard the referenced conversation first hand, or had it relayed to him, that Maj. Gen. Benjamin Butler's chief of staff, Col. John W. Shaffer, shared a brief conversation with a USCT sergeant. The unnamed sergeant from a regiment that goes unmentioned states that the USCTs lost a good number of officers and men in the attack. Shaffer then asked how many prisoners were captured. The sergeant responds "Not any alive, Sir." The correspondent then mentions that Maj. Gen. William F. "Baldy" Smith, commander of the Army of the James' XVIII Corps added: "They [USCTs] don't give my Provost-Marshal [in charge of captured prisoners] the least trouble, and I don't believe they contribute toward filling and of the hospitals with Rebel wounded;" implying the USCTs offered no quarter to wounded enemies. It is difficult to tell if Smith's comments came at the time of the conversation between Shaffer and the USCT sergeant or at another time.

There appears to be enough evidence given through the accounts of different individuals that atrocities against prisoners of war did occur on June 15, 1864 at Petersburg. However, its origin was not there and its end was not there. At the Battle of the Crater on July 30, 1864, just a little to the left of the June 15 fighting, the USCTs would again invoke the memory of Fort Pillow in their charge, but like Fort Pillow they would endure the atrocities. On September 29, 1864, at both New Market Heights and Fort Gilmer, reports of atrocities against USCTs would again appear in soldiers' accounts from both sides. 

War does terrible to things to its participants, and some of its participants do terrible things in wars.       

Wanted Immediately

 

While browsing through the June 30, 1864, edition of the Petersburg Daily Express, I came across the above advertisement. It was posted by Maj. Charles J. Wallach, who was apparently in the role of quartermaster. Unfortunately, I was unable to find out much about him or at what level of quartermaster he served.

With this advertisement Wallach sought 100 enslaved or free people of color "with axes, for cutting wood near the city." My initial question is what was the purpose of this timbering project? Being that the ad appeared in the summer, it does not appear that the wood was going to be used for warming fuel. Although, I suppose it could have been used to fuel the many railroad engines running to, from, and through Petersburg. However, one problem with that is that much of the timber around Petersburg consists of pine trees, which do not burn as well for steam production as well as hardwoods. 

I suspect that what these axe men were being asked to cut were the woodlots around the city to create clear fields of fire for Confederate artillery and infantry defensive positions. This advertisement was placed rather early in the Petersburg Campaign, so there was still plenty of tree coverage that needed removed. Having defoliated clear fields of fire not only ensured that potential attackers would not have timber shields to hide behind, they also would not have the advantage of assaults while being concealed.

One wonders how many of these African American wood cutters ended up being recruited for the project and how long they stayed in this role. The ad promised good wages and rations. But the wages went to the owners of those enslaved men who participated, and the risks seemed to outweigh the rewards to the free men of color. Did some laborers end up wounded and killed while doing this work? Did some of the enslaved successfully escape to Union lines? If so, did some become soldiers in the United States Colored Troops? 

There are always many more questions than answers with these types of primary sources, but their existence still gives us some valuable insights into the past.     

Dying Far From Home – Pvt. John Henry Gough, Co. D, 38th USCI, and Pvt. Thomas Gough, Co. F, 38th USCI

The Chesapeake Bay area proved to be a particularly fruitful recruiting ground for the United States Colored Troops. Generations of tobacco agriculture had significantly depleted the region’s soil, and a transition to grain crops in the antebellum years produced a perceived surplus of enslaved laborers. Many of these individuals ended up being either sold, or moved with their migrating owners, to the ever expanding “Cotton Kingdom.” However, the region still had a large African American population, both free and enslaved. When the Civil War began, Federal control of the bay area resulted in tens of thousands of black men, women, and children assisting the Union war effort in multiple ways, which they obviously viewed to their advantage.  

Thousands of the region’s military age men enlisted in United States Colored Troops regiments, like the 4^th, 7^th, 9^th, 19^th, 30^th, 36^th, and 38^th who were either raised from or stationed in the area. Medal of Honor recipients Christian Fleetwood (4^th), William H. Barnes (38^th), James H. Harris (38^th), and Decatur Dorsey (30^th) all came from the bay section of Maryland. Barnes and Harris both hailed from St. Mary’s County, Maryland.

Six men in the 38^th USCI with the last name of Gough (apparently pronounced Goff) are also among the men from St. Mary’s County. Two of the six died from the wounds received at the Battle of New Market Heights. The family relationship between Thomas A. Gough and John Henry Gough (if one existed) is unknown. It is quite possible they were either brothers or cousins. Although they were in the same regiment, and hailed from the same county, they enlisted three months apart and ended up in different companies. However, they are of similar age, were the same height, and same complexion. We’ll look at each soldier individually.

John Henry Gough was only 20 years old when he enlisted on February 27, 1864, in Great Mills, Maryland. John’s enlistment papers describe him as 5 feet, 4 inches tall, and of “dark” complexion. Noted as “farmer,” before enlisting, he was likely enslaved before joining up. John had probably not traveled far in his first 20 years, as he gave his birthplace as St. Mary’s County. He officially mustered into the U.S. service on March 7, in Norfolk, Virginia. 

 

John’s time in the blue uniform would span just a little over seven months. His records reveal no illness, no absences, no detached duty. He did not received any promotions. It appears that he always answered roll calls with, “present.” However, during the intense fighting at the Battle of New Market Heights on September 29, 1864, John Henry received a serious wound in one of his shoulders. Removed from the battlefield and taken to the XVIII Corps base hospital at Point of Rock, Virginia, John died from his wound on October 4. His soldier’s Final Statement lists no personal effects.

Pvt. Thomas A. Gough enlisted at age 22 into Company F of the 38^th USCI on May 17, 1864 at Leonardtown, Maryland. His physical description mirrors that of John Henry Gough exactly. He officially mustered in on May 22 in Norfolk. In service for even less time than John Henry, the comments on Thomas’ muster card for September-October 1864 reads: “Died of wounds rece’d in a charge on the enemy’s works Sept 29, 1864.”

Pvt. Thomas Gough’s discharge for death document provides some insight into the wounds he received in the courageous charge at New Market Heights. Shot through the right lung and right arm, Thomas—like John Henry Gough—left the battlefield clinging to life, but obviously in tremendous pain. Transported to the XVIII Corps base hospital at Point of Rocks, he endured the amputation of his right arm. Thomas held on to his life until October 13.

Apparently both men received burials in the Point of Rocks hospital cemetery on Bermuda Hundred. Later removed, and now occupying graves only a row and a few short steps apart, they now rest in peace in plots 3707 and 3699 respectively in the City Point National Cemetery.

Only two decades of life makes for excruciatingly short existences for these two soldiers. The principles they fought for, and sacrificed their lives for, should ideally bring them a measure of recognition and the thanks of a nation. Their marked graves in a national cemetery helps. Bringing their courageous stories to a wider audience, and thus creating awareness of their service is one of the goals of the Battle of New Market Heights Memorial and Education Association. Help us remember them.

"Killed": A Soldier's Obituary

 

Following the Battle of the Crater, several soldier's obituaries appeared in the issues of the Petersburg Daily Express. The one above eulogizing Pvt. Robert Fuqua of Company K, 12th Virginia Infantry appeared in the August 8, 1864 edition. 

The bonds that these soldiers formed though the difficulties that they endured in camp, on the march, and on the battlefield proved extremely strong. That, combined with the fact that many of the men fighting in the counterattacking units under Brig. Gen. William Mahone came from the Petersburg area, makes sense that their comrades would want their friend's deaths announced and to express it with sentiments similar to those above. 

Robert Fuqua appears in the 1860 census living in Petersburg's West Ward in his mother's household. The 34 year old baker and his brother, James, a 26 year old finisher along with several boarders occupied the house. Although I was not able to find confirmation, I would guess that Pvt. Fuqua is buried in Peterssburg's Blandford Cemetery.   

Enslaved Refugees from Wilson-Kautz Raid Recaptured and Advertised

One of the great things about the research process is finding unexpected information. For example, this evening, while browsing through period newspapers for articles about prisoners captured during the Petersburg Campaign, I happened upon an advertisement enumerating enslaved individuals, their owners, and the counties they came from. The ad ran in the July 29, 1864 issue of the Petersburg Daily Express.

For a little context, the named enslaved people on this list fled farms and plantation across Southside Virginia following the Federal cavalry during the week-long Wilson-Kautz Raid. Part of Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant's Second Offensive, the raid began on June 22, 1864, from just southeast of Petersburg. The primary goal of the raid was to disrupt travel on the region's railroads and thus cut Confederate communications utilizing the remaining railroads coming into Petersburg and Richmond supplying Gen. Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia.

The 5,500 cavalrymen under Brig. Gen James H. Wilson and Brig. Gen. August Kautz rode along the Weldon Railroad, and at Ream's Station broke west to Dinwiddie Courthouse. They then made north to Ford's Station on the Southside Railroad and followed it west. They were at Blacks and Whites (present day Blackstone) by the following day. Tearing up track here and there along the route, at Burksville Station the riders switched their attention to the southeast route of the Richmond and Danville Railroad. They engaged Confederate forces at the Staunton River Bridge at the Charlotte/Halifax County line. Checked by the Southerners, the raiders turned back east.

Along the route the raiders collected an assortment of horses, mules, and wagons piled full of foodstuffs, personal loot, and enslaved men, women, and children. By June 28, the raiders were at Stony Creek Station on the Weldon Railroad. A wild ride north was stopped on June 29 at Ream's Station by Confederate infantry under Brig. Gen. William Mahone and cavalry under Brig. Gens. Fitzhugh Lee and Wade Hampton. The exhausted raiders were not able to put up much of a fight and were routed, resulting in hundreds of Wilson's cavalry becoming prisoners. Gobbled up with the raiders were scores of the enslaved; ever so briefly free, now recaptured. Kautz and some of his Union cavalry were able to make a better getaway to the southeast, but still lost soldiers and refugees.

These listed recaptured enslaved people were probably taken from the Kautz group. They first were sent to Hicksford (present day Emporia) and then to Weldon, North Carolina, by the Confederate authorities  where they were held for their owners to come claim them. 

 

The raid encompassed some 350 miles along their circular route. As shown in the advertisments the enslaved came from counties such as Dinwiddie, Nottoway, Prince Edward, Brunswick, Charlotte, Lunenburg, and Mecklinburg. The raid was viewed by the Confederates as a failure due to its disastrous end, but the Federals believed that the temporary disruption to the railroad traffic was worth the loss of captured Union soldiers. The raid was certainly not decisive for either side. For the captured refugees, those who returned to slavery were forced to endure several more months of bondage before freedom came with Union victory and Lee's surrender at Appomattox. 

Wounded USCTs Captured at the Crater Advertised in Petersburg

 

Back in March 2019, I shared an advertisement that ran in the Richmond Daily Dispatch listing the names of over 80 United States Colored Troops soldiers captured at the Battle of the Crater. The purpose of the ad was to alert the former owners of the men in order to potentially come claim them. 

A similar ad, albeit with fewer soldiers, ran in the Petersburg Daily Express on August 8, 1864. The list in the Daily Express enumerates 18 men. It also lists their owner's name and where they claimed to come from. The advertisement states that these soldiers were at the Poplar Lawn Military Hospital in Petersburg, which was located on South Sycamore Street, where Poplar Lawn Park is presently. The ad appears to have been authorized by Brig. Gen. Henry A. Wise, former governor of Virginia who authorized the hanging of John Brown.

Conducting searches by their names on Fold3.com, I was able to track down five of 18 soldiers and corroborate their wounding and capture at the Crater. Knowing the USCT regiments who fought at the Battle of the Crater helped me find those men relatively quickly. Interestingly, I found one listed man, William J. Cornish, in the 28th USCI (at regiment in the battle), but who according to his service records remained present with his regiment. Could it be that a comrade used Cornish's name as an alias? Hmmmmmmm.

The five men from the list who I was able to locate are as follows:

Pvt. Edward Turner, 18, from Baltimore, Maryland. Turner was a waiter before enlisting in Company D, 30th USCI on February 25, 1864. His service records state that he was missing in action on July 30 and "known to be badly wounded." Another notes states that Turner was sent to the Confederate States Military Prison Hospital in Richmond, and was wounded in the right arm. That arm was apparently amputated at the shoulder joint on August 14. In addition, compensation claims from Turner's owner, John R. Holliday (as also shown in the ad) appear in Turner's service records. Turner was manumitted by Holliday upon his enlistment, so he was technically not enslaved at the time of his capture. It is interesting that he would claim he had an owner to the Confederate authorities. Holliday received $300.00 for Turner's emancipation. Sadly, Turner died in the Confederate prison hospital on September 23, 1864. 

Pvt. Robert Banks, 22, served in Company G, 23rd USCI. He was born in Petersburg and enlisted in Washington D.C. One wonders how Banks felt about fighting outside of his hometown on July 30, 1864 at the Crater. Banks' occupation is noted as laborer. His service records state: "Captured July 30 . . . taken to Richmond and put in the employ of the gov[ernment] as teamster, rejoined the co[mpany] May 20, [18]65." Banks appears to have mustered out with the 23rd USCI in Texas in November 1865. Another document in Banks' service records notes his owner as William Bland (as also shown in the ad) and that Banks was delivered to Dickinson and Hill (Richmond slave traders) on October 2, 1864. Did Banks escape? Was he liberated when Richmond fell? Another document only gives a hint of a clue. A card states "Request that the within named escaped Pris[nor] of War be cared for until further orders." It is dated April 29, 1865 from Washington D.C.

Pvt. Samuel Green, 21, joined Company I, 23rd USCI on May 16, 1864, in Washington D.C. He was a laborer before enlisting and was born in King and Queen County, Virginia. In his records it states: "Captured by the rebels at the battle of Petersburg July 30, 1864. Escaped and returned to his Co[mpany] about April 18,1865. Discharged at Camp Lincoln, Va. 5-25-65 by reason of gunshot wound in left arm . . . ." Documents in Green's records indicate he was believed to be dead, but obviously his demise was greatly exaggerated. One document says that Green was delivered to his owner, a Major Bland in King and Queen County. Did Green make a second getaway from enslavement? It appears so! 

Pvt. Robert Brown, 20, of Company C, 23rd USCI was born in Prince Georges County, Maryland, and enlisted on February 6, 1864. Brown's records unfortunately do not provide much information. One card states, "Missing in action before Petersburg, Va. July 30, '64."

Pvt. George F. Medley, Company C, 23rd USCI, was the eldest of the men I was able to locate. He was 29. Get this though, he enlisted in Washington, D.C. on July 15; only two weeks and one day before the Battle of the Crater. He was serving as the substitute for a Samuel P. Gates. Like Edward Turner, Medley was eventually transferred to the Confederate Military Prison Hospital in Richmond. And like Turner, he was suffering from a wound in the right arm, and also similarly, Medley, died at the hospital, only on September 6, 1864.

I remain curious why more of these men are not identifiable in regimental service records. If anyone has ideas in addition to my supposition of aliases, I would be interested in hearing them.