Database Time

Taking a survey of slavery ads in Kentucky Civil War newspapers was becoming more and more difficult due the large number of notices published. Ads for captured runaways committed to Kentucky jails were especially tricky. These notices sometimes ran for months on end, and in an effort to note them only once and not duplicate them, it became necessary to devise a means that would allow me to keep track of them better.

Thank goodness for database programs like Microsoft Excel. Now all I have to do to determine if I have already recorded one of the many Johns, or Henrys, or Jims, I can check it against my database.

The database I have created has several categories. First I have the slave's name, then last name if applicable. I note whether the slave is male or female, too. Hopefully that will reveal some interesting information, such as determining which years women slaves most often chose to flee. I list the owner, if given in the ad. This category helps me keep all the common named slaves straight. Next I note the location where the slave left or was from, if, of course it is given. The jail the slave was committed to is also listed. Information such as age, height, weight, and complexion is also taken down when provided. Lastly, I note the name of the newspaper the runaway was advertised in, the date the ad was first observed by me, and if given, the date the slave was incarcerated. If I need to find the ad again for future reference, this allows me to have that information at the ready.

At present I am not sure how helpful all of this information will ultimately be, but right now I have what is probably a good sample size (328 individuals) and many more still to input and others to find. This database is only for runaways captured, which seems to be the vast majority of the ads. I have come across numerous runaway "wanted" ads posted by owners or renters, but for the present my database is only covering those caught. However, I am making paper notes of the wanted ads too. I will try to remember to post occasionally on how things are going as I proceed.

Telling Testimony

I know this image is difficult to see at this size, but it is one whole page from the March 23, 1863, edition of the Frankfort Tri-Weekly Commonwealth. On it are 76 notices for runaway slaves that were incarcerated in Kentucky county jails. There is only one ad not for runaways (bottom right corner).

What is really surprising though is that this page shows only three county jails; Jefferson (Louisville), Warren (Bowling Green), and Franklin (Frankfort). The runaways are noted as coming largely from neighboring state Tennessee. A number also come from Alabama. Some are from as far away as Mississippi, Louisiana, and South Carolina.

The proliferation of ads at this time are due, of course, in part to the disruption that the Civil War caused to a slaveholding society. Enslaved people used that disruption to make their attempt to break away from bondage and get a taste of freedom. Some, like these, were caught. But, it makes one wonder, if this many were captured, just how many remained undetected?

The second reason so many ads appear at this time was that Kentucky passed a new law on March 2, 1863, that dealt specifically with runaway slaves. The previous state law demanded that county jailers advertise captured runaways for six months. If the slaves were not claimed by their owners within that time they were to be sold to pay for their keep. But, apparently due to the large number of arrested runaways in Kentucky caused by the war, the law was amended to reduce their keep to one month, at which point they could be sold. Since many of the slaves were from owners in what was at that time was the Confederate States (another country) there was little chance that these slave owners would "come forward, prove property and pay charges," and thus these people would "be dealt with as the law requires." And additionally, potentially produce some much needed revenue for the county.

Kentucky Civil War Sentiment in a Nutshell

Kentucky's stance in the Civil War was largely that of middle ground, geographically as well as ideologically. The vast majority of the citizenry wanted to maintain the antebellum status quo. That particular position is not difficult to understand when one considers the success the Bluegrass State experienced from 1820 to 1860. But as we know, drastic change came. Instead of embracing that change and seeking ways to make the most of it to keep the state moving forward, Kentucky tried to keep things as they had been.

Last week, while doing my research in slavery advertisements in Kentucky's Civil War newspapers, my eye was caught by a short article in the March 30, 1863 Frankfort Tri-Weekly Commonwealth. It probably sums up the Kentucky mindset better than any same-length piece I have ever found. It read:

"The rebels won't understand Kentucky, nor will the abolitionists of the North. They are equally obtuse. Both wish to Kentucky to act foolishly, but our old State now, as in times past, will keep the even tenor of her way despite the howlings of Northern or Southern fanatics.

Kentucky will not affiliate with secession or abolitionism. The one [secession] will be for the Union only on the condition that the Federal Government will extend slavery. The other is for the Union only on the condition that the Federal Government will use its power to abolish slavery. Kentucky is a unit against both heresies. She is for the Constitution which established that Union, and she is opposed to any infractions of its provisions. She is for the suppression of all movements calculated to overturn the Constitution and the Union. Down with all enemies to either."  

Just Finished Reading - Pathway to Hell

How much can a soldier take before he "shatters?" How many battles - where he sees comrades blown to smithereens or sees them suffer unspeakable wounds - does it take to unnerve him? How many long marches, how much lost sleep, how much bad food? How unhygienic can a man live before it catches up, damages him, and leaves him suffering a mental injury often much worse than any physical wound?

Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is a twentieth century label that was given to an age old product of war. It is a condition that was once called "shattered," "shell-shocked," "battle fatigued,"or the "thousand-yard stare." It does not matter what war. It happened in the Revolutionary War, the Civil War, Vietnam, and Afghanistan, and every other war in between. The stress and exposure of combat and campaigning has left many a man mentally damaged.

Soldiers that went off to war in 1861 often went for adventure and to prove their manhood. Many had little idea of what war would truly involve. Men, like the subject of Pathway to Hell: A Tragedy of the American Civil War, a man named Angelo Crapsey, found that the experience of war was just too much to mentally bear.

Angelo was born in 1842 to Reverend John and Mercy Crapsey. John was a bit of a religious fanatic, whose style of preaching brought disdain from even those of the most enthusiastic bent. In their neighborhood on western New York, north central Pennsylvania border, Reverend John was yanked from more than one pulpit. In 1852, Angelo lost his mother, and John his wife, when Mercy died. Surely a disturbing experience for a pre-teen boy. John remarried in less than a year and Angelo eventually moved in with a neighbor friend's family. As Angelo came of age Laroy Lyman was to be almost more of a father-figure than John. Angelo worked numerous odd farming jobs for Laroy and hunted game with him, but when the Civil War broke out he answered Pennsylvania's call. Angelo enlisted in what would become the famous "Bucktails" regiment - the 1st Pennsylvania Reserve Infantry Regiment.

At first Angelo showed no signs of the mental disorder that would later afflict him. He wrote letters back home to friends and family and explained that soldiering was a difficult job, but one he rather liked. He looked forward to defending his state against "rebels" that were positioned in the neighboring state of Maryland. Angelo seems to have weathered the seasoning period well; that time when hundreds of new soldiers caught childhood and sanitary born illnesses.

Angelo's first taste of combat came in an engagement at Dranesville, Virginia, a small affair compared to what he would later see. He wrote home and told of his excitement in battle and what he saw. The Bucktails were next sent to the Shenandoah Valley where they chased Stonewall Jackson and fought at Harrisonburg and Cross Keys.  Angelo survived unscathed, but lost a good friend to a nasty wound. The Bucktails missed the Battle of Cedar Mountain, but saw its ghastly aftermath. Angelo fought hard at Antietam and was an unlucky participant in a burial detail. He remained stalwart though in his letters home. His patriotism and flesh appeared strong at this point in his military career, but apparently his mind was weakening.

The Bucktails fought again at Fredericksburg, where Angelo was captured on the Union left. He was sent to Libby Prison in Richmond for a short stay before being transferred to a parole camp to await exchange, which finally came in May; just in time for the Gettysburg Campaign. When he finally returned to the Bucktails, some saw a changed Angelo. He became distant, less talkative, and complained of his appearance.

At Gettysburg, the Bucktails fought yet again on the Union left. They saw some pretty difficult combat, but it seems that Angelo became "shattered" in the wake of the battle. Difficult, long marches on hot, dusty roads, combined with poor food, diarrhea, and fevered illness apparently did in Angelo's already fragile mind. His erratic behavior landed him in a Washington D.C. hospital. Reverend John could not believe it was his son in the hospital bed when he came to visit. Angelo was discharged and labeled unfit for further service.

Back home in Pennsylvania by October 1863, Angelo continued his difficult demeanor. Despite more strange behavior Angelo and Laroy partook in a hunting expedition to Minnesota. Angelo's illness cut the trip short and they returned to Pennsylvania. Angelo still experienced bouts of mental breakdowns and all doctors could advise was to put him in an institution. In early August 1864, Angelo committed suicide while on a local hunt with friends. His worldly troubles were over.

How many other Civil War soldiers experienced a somewhat similar fate? Family secrets have probably covered up many of these instances, both North and South. In a war so examined for the amount of blood it caused - and rightly so - it does us well to remember that not only physical injures were inflicted in our nation's four year tragedy, numerous mental injuries were suffered as well.

In writing Pathway to Hell, author Dennis Brandt had produced an eyeopening book that will hopefully lead to more similar works on Civil War battle and campaign trauma. Surely, pension papers are filled with other soldiers who did not leave the war behind in their minds in the spring of 1865. I highly recommend Pathway to Hell as a way to see a different side of the war. Angelo Crapsey's letters and journals, as well as those of his friends and family provide keen insight into the anguish that the Civil War caused.  On a scale of one to five, I give Pathway to Hell a 4.75.

Tom Jackson for Sale

The subject of my post yesterday, Tom Jackson, was incarcerated in the Franklin County, Kentucky, jail as a runaway slave in September 1862. Several weeks later he was advertised as jailed with eight other runaways in the Frankfort Tri-Weekly Commonwealth.

As the weeks passed, all of the other co-advertised runaways were claimed, but Jackson solely remained. In that advertisement, Jackson was described as claiming to be a free man, and even offered a third party name to corroborate his story.  Apparently though, the Franklin County jailer did not attempt to locate that source and Jackson continued to remain in jail, and since he was free, no one obviously could claim him.

I found out the next step in Jackson's tragic story today while continuing my survey of slavery advertisements in Kentucky's Civil War newspapers. Six months from his arrest Jackson was offered for sale by the sheriff of Franklin County, R. E. Collins. Jackson's sale advertisement (above), like his runaway ad, provides a physical description, but unlike his runaway notice, his sale ad does not mention that he claimed to be a free man.

Jackson's sale ad states that he would be offered to a "the highest bidder at public auction" and "at the Franklin County Court House door, in the city of Frankfort, about 12 o'clock" on Monday, April 20, 1863. The ad also states that if Jackson's true owner appeared within one year he could be redeemed. Obviously though that would not happen as Jackson did not have an owner.

I was unable to get to April 20, 1863, in the microfilm roll today to see if Jackson continues to be advertised, or sold to that highest bidder mentioned in the advertisement. Hopefully, I will at least be able to find that much out.

Said Boy, Tom Jackson Claims to be Free

Two years ago I wrote about the advertisements shown to the left. In that post I mentioned that cities and larger towns proved be a strong draw for runaway slaves. In urban settings runaways could better blend into the hustle and bustle of crowded streets and hideout in back alleys. There they could also receive assistance from free people of color and hired out slaves.

If I had taken the time two years ago to continue to follow how these advertisements played out, that earlier post may have been somewhat different.

This string of notices actually contained one other that I was unable to fit into the image, making nine total ads. Last evening, while working my way through rolls of mircofilm, and continuing my survey of slavery ads in Kentucky Civil War newspapers, I came across the string of notices again. This time though, I continued on through later issues.

The advertisements first appeared in the November 5, 1862, issue of the Frankfort Tri-Weekly Commonwealth. By November 24, apparently five of the nine captured runaways had been claimed by their owners, as only four were still listed. By December 17, three others were claimed, and thus, only one was left. The lone alleged runaway remaining was the first listed, Tom Jackson.

When one reads in full Jackson's descriptive advertisement, it become clearly apparent why he was the only one not picked up by his owner or master. "The said boy, Tom Jackson, claims to be free, having been purchased by his father from Strother Slaughter and refers to Isaac R. Green, of Louisville, Ky., to prove the fact," wrote the Franklin County jailer H.R. Miller.

Apparently, the good jailer did not take the time to verify Jackson's claim to freedom with Isaac Green of Louisville as the free man continued to be advertised in the newspaper for several more months.

It is unknown how many free men and women were incorrectly incarcerated as runaways. In my ongoing survey I have come across a handful saying so. The Dred Scott Supreme Court decision in 1857 determined that African Americans - whether slave or free - had no rights that whites were bound to respect. So, if free people of color lost or somehow destroyed their free papers, the burden of proof often proved to be more than they could maintain, or that their accusers cared to verify.    

I Warn all Persons . . .

Slavery died a hard death in Kentucky. There are numerous pieces of evidence that support this fact. One of the most strident though are a number of advertisements that appeared in November and December 1865 in some newspapers in the Commonwealth.

As the last necessary states were in the process of ratifying the 13th Amendment the above notice ran in the November 11, 1865, issue of the Paris Western Citizen. It is obvious that this owner was not willing to give up his command of his slave woman Emma's labor and his rule of her life.

Another ad at this time advised:
"Notice.
I HEREBY give notice that I will enforce the law against anyone employing or harboring my negro man, Anthony. He is of black color, and is about 40 years old. MRS. MARY REDMON"

If these advertisements were in isolation they might be seen as an anomoly, but other similar notice appeared even into December 1865.

One started with an even firmer warning and was endorsed by former U.S. House of Representatives member Brutus Junius Clay. Brutus Clay was a large slaveholder from Bourbon County and the brother of noted emancipationist Cassius Marcellus Clay.

"Violators of Law Attend!  
WE hereby inform all persons who have, or shall hereafter employ, hire, trade with or harbor any slave or slaves of ours - that we will to the full extent of the law, prosecute for every such offense the person who so violates the laws of Kentucky.
B. J. CLAY, WM. CONN, JOHN A. GANO, HORACE BENTON, SIDNEY CLAY, JAS. T. WARE, B.F. FRAKES, Z.M. LAYSON, GEO. MOORE, A. KISER &C.

And yet another ran as late as December 22; a full 3 weeks after the 13th Amendment was ratified. It was much like the former, but stated by an individual rather than a group.
"Violators of Law Attend.
I hereby inform all persons who have, or shall hereafter employ, hire, trade with, or harbor any slave of mine, that I will to the full extent of the law, prosecute for every such offense the person who so violates the laws of Kentucky. PETER BRAMLETT"

As these primary sources bear out, enslaved people were a source wealth, labor, and social status that some owners very reluctantly let go of, even when the institution's end was without doubt.

Drawings of Dick the Cook

The above image was sketched by artist Edwin Forbes and is marked "Dick the cook, sketched near Culpeper C.H. [Courthouse], Sept, 1863."

What looks to be the same subject appeared in one of Forbes' earlier works. This one, apparently done four months before, is marked "Dick, sketched on the 6th of May [1863], the afternoon of Gen. Hooker's retreat across the Rappahannock, on return to camp."

Images courtesy the Library of Congress.

Jake and Bill and Violence

Many of the slave runaway advertisements that I have located include detailed physical descriptions of those that absconded. Of those descriptions a large number mention scars or other deformations. In most cases it is impossible to determine how these markings were inflicted. But one might suspect-knowing the uneven power dynamic that existed between slaves and masters/owners/overseers-that a great percentage were made by those ultimately in control of their charges and the "ruinous influence of arbitrary power," as one former slave called it.

In the above advertisement both enslaved young men mentioned, Jake and Bill, had distinguishing marks.  Jake had "a dent on the side of his head, made by a stroke from a hatchet." Bill had "a large scar on his neck."

When we think of slavery we most often correctly associate violence with the institution. These runaway advertisements vividly remind us of this fact.      

Committed to the Jail . . . as a Runaway Slave

Today, continuing with my survey of slavery advertisements in Kentucky newspapers during the Civil War, I ran across the February 9, 1864, issue of The Daily Commonwealth, which was published in Frankfort.

Three things struck me as unusual as I perused this edition. First, I was taken aback by the sheer number of jailed runaway advertisements this day's paper included; 43 in total. There were ads on each of its four pages. I have not determined why this particular issue had so may notices, as some of them dated back to the previous summer and fall for the apprehension and incarceration dates. They were also from county jails all across the state. Included counties were: Bullitt, Grant, Livingston, Union, Franklin, Fayette, Nelson, Woodford, Crittenden, Shelby, Livingston, Breckinridge, Ballard, Boyle, Lyon, Harrison, Madison, Rockcastle, Monroe, Adair, and Carroll.

The second thing that caught my attention was the young age of some of the runaways. As shown in the ad above, the boy Adam was only "10 or 12 years of age." Although this youngster did not travel far before being caught, it still seems unusual that someone so youthful would run away on their won. Perhaps he ran away with an older relative and they got separated   But, maybe, it just shows how dear the dream of freedom was to some enslaved people.

Adam was not the youngest of the listed slaves. As shown in the above notice, Lucy was only eight years old. Normally with these type of ads if children were under adolescence and one of the other slaves was the child's parent, they would be listed together in same ad.

For example, in an ad not shown here, but in this issue of The Daily Commonwealth, was listed Louisa, 22 years old, and her two children Henry (four years old) and William (two years old).  All were listed in the same notice. No information was provided on who owned them or where they had come from, but traveling in stealth with two very young children any distance must have been extremely trying.

The third thing that I found intriguing was that in these 43 advertisements there were a larger number of women and girls; a much higher proportion than I had found in other notices in 1861 and 1862. In this group of ads, and in addition to Molly, Lucy and Louisa mentioned and shown above. were: Tennessee Green (who ran away with her husband James who was also caught), Julian Crook (who ran away with her husband Charles, who was caught too), Mary Jane Matthews (who ran away with her husband Steward, who was caught), Matilda, Ester, Sally, Jane, and Charity Toliver.

Yet another rarity was that one man who was listed refused to give his name, but provided the name of his owner. The woman, Jane, listed above, refused to giver her owner's name. The majority of the slaves were from Kentucky and Tennessee, but some had come from locations as far away as Alabama, Mississippi, and Virginia.

These advertisements provide a unique glimpse into the terrible practice of slavery, and show the extreme lengths some enslaved people would go to escape the institution.

Slave Names

I am currently conducting a survey of advertisements printed in Kentucky newspapers during the Civil War that have to do with slavery. There are ads for slave sales, ads for hiring slaves, ads for runaway slaves, ads for selling slave goods, and ads for caught runaways that were housed in local jails. Many of the ads, especially those for runaways and caught runaways, included the enslaved individuals' names, ages, height, weight, and physical description.

At present I am only partly into my survey, but I thought I'd share the names I have come across thus far. Missing are the exotic and classical slave names such as Cuffy, Cato, Pompey, and Caeser that litter antebellum novels and minstrel songs, instead, common names are those most often found. The most unique names I have located are Mingo, Prophet, Sights, and Dump.

Men and boys: Bill Taylor, Pallace, William, Lewis, John, Mingo, Abner, Sights, Jim, Burrill, Clay, George, Ira, Tom, Dump, Andrew, Henry, Aleck, Calvin, James Thornton, Allen, David Brooks, Bill, Isaac, Charles, Harrison, Nathan, Joe Burch, Jack, David, Bob, Thomas, Jeff, John Stratton, Jackson, Hamilton Baker, William Wood, John Jackson, Charles Allen, George, Luke, Hiram, Moses, Mark, Wiley, Burk Grimes, Ben Boyce, Sam, John White, Martin, Ambrose Roan, John Hines, Arthur, Jackson Marlow, Jo Owsley, William Hunter, Willis, Martin Davis, Granville, Prophet, Ben, Oscar, Stephen, Nace, Solomon, Frank, Fred, David, Taylor, Woodson, Fisher, Ellick, Phil, Joseph, Anderson, Bazzle, Cornelius, Bill Bachelor, James, Tim, Valentine, Edward McAfee, Dennis, Jesse, Edmond, Allen, Hardin, Wesley, Leonidas, Albert, Anthony, Jesse Cogar, Sam Emery, Andy Tate, Dow, Joe, Alford, Henry Tate, Andy Fincastle, Robert, Claiborne, Jack, Perry, Kenley Gray, John Davis, Nathan, Jesse, Charles Brown, Logan, Toby, Harvey, Jim Brown, Jim Monroe, Patrick Henry, Ambrose, Robin, Leander, Brace, Ned, Jordan, Grandison, Craig, Nelson, Washington, Owen, William Joshua, Dick, Joseph Bell, Jim Batts.

A number of names such as Henry, Jim, Tom, John, George, Stephen appeared multiple times and seem to be the most common.

Women and girls: Priscilla, Julia, Mary, Evaline, Eliza, Ellen Nora, Hannah, Amanda, Ann, Charlotte, Chaney, Kitty, Jane, Lucy, Mary Evans, Emily, Nancy, Betty, Luan, Fanny, Eliza Cole.

As one can see, women appear in these ads much less frequently than men. But females, too, had some names appear multiple times.  Mary, Ann, Jane, and Julia were the most common found so far.

Image courtesy of the Library of Congress.

Just Finished Reading - John Brown's Spy

Since becoming interested in the impact of John Brown on America's history, I have often wondered why more scholarship has not been completed on Brown's raiders individually. Almost every book has brief mentions of the men-more on some of them than others-but little has been done to fully explain their personal histories. Finally, their stories are being told.

Steven Lubet's John Brown's Spy: The Adventurous Life and Tragic Confession of John E. Cook explores the intriguing story one of Brown's most compelling raiders.

John E. Cook was born in 1829 to a rather well-to-do Connecticut family. After studying law and clerking in Brooklyn, Cook eventually made his way to Kansas to fight against slavery. There he met the man that would change his life forever-John Brown. Cook, a crack shot, joined up with Brown in June 1856.  In 1858, Cook traveled with the old man to Canada, where he was privileged to Brown's bold plan to attack the United States armory at Harpers Ferry, Virginia. In fact, Brown chose Cook to go to the small town a year in advance and gather information.

In Harpers Ferry, Cook worked a variety of jobs, and his smooth talking and gregarious personality helped ingratiate him to the community. He used his winning personality to gather information Brown needed such as  the best avenues for attacking the armory and the number of slaves in the area, which the two men hoped would flock to their cause once the attack came off.

Cook boarded in Harpers Ferry at Mary Ann Kennedy's. There he met Virginia Kennedy, the landlord's daughter, who he impregnated. They married in April 1859, and a son was born a month later. Cook's smooth talking must have been difficult to dismiss. He had previously gotten a woman pregnant in his days in Kansas and Iowa, but that child was stillborn.

During the fighting at Harpers Ferry, Cook was stationed outside of town and instructed by Brown to move weapons from the raiders' base to a school house closer to town. When Cook saw that he could not make it into town he fired on the gathering townspeople and militia in attempt to draw fire away from the raiders in the fire engine house. After taking a nasty fall in the firefight Cook determined he could help no further and fled with two other raiders. After wandering through Maryland and into Pennsylvania, the always confident Cook attempted to gather some food, relying on his loquacious skills, but was arrested near Chambersburg.

Cook was extradited to Virginia and placed in jail with Brown and the other surviving raiders. And, like his cohorts, he was tried and convicted. In effort to save his life the confessed the details of the raid and implicated others that were involved. The attempt did not work though and Cook was sentenced to hang on December 16, 1859. Cook and fellow raider Edwin Coppoc attempted a breakout of jail the night before their execution, but were quickly caught. Before Brown's execution on December 2, the old man showed his disappointment in Cook's confession by chastising his lieutenant on his way to the gallows. Cook's body was turned over to family who had it buried in Brooklyn.

Cook's hatred of slavery is obvious. From his days in Kansas, to his firm commitment to the plan at Hapers Ferry-witnessed by his spy work there-Cook was determined that the institution would die in the United States. However, his tragic confession has landed him among the so-called turncoats in American history. It is difficult to blame a man though who knew his life was in peril and sought to save it.

I highly recommend John Brown's Spy to anyone wanting to know more about John Brown's raid and the men that made the attempt on Harpers Ferry.  Lubet has produced a book that is very readable and well researched. On a scale of one to five, I give it a 4.75.

Gone Off With Some Regiment

The men (and a few women) who joined in to participate in our nation's greatest tragedy contributed to the war effort for diverse reasons. Some fought for personal or national principles, some joined to pay the bills, others went looking for an amazing adventure. The potential opportunity to escape one's workaday world, see new sights, and visit new lands was simply just too appealing for some to avoid.

Naturally, the majority of those with stars in their eyes and glory in their hearts, those seeking thrills and adventure were in their youth. Myriads of young men joined up; some with their parents' permission, some without. Young men, many of whom had been raised on father's, uncle's, and grandfather's tales of army adventures in the War of 1812 and the Mexican-American War envisioned similar experiences for themselves.

I came across the above "Information Wanted" advertisement in the Louisville Daily Democrat, which ran in the fall of 1862, and probably involved a similar thrill-seeking individual. It reads:

Information Wanted.

A COLORED BOY (FREE) ABOUT 13 YEARS OLD, named James Oglesby, left home October 2d, and had not been heard from since.  It is probable he has gone off with some regiment.  Any information of his whereabouts will be gratefully received and liberally rewarded by his parents. Send word to Joshua Oglesby, corner of Thirteenth and Magazine streets.

Obviously, this young man could not join up to fight as an enlisted man in October 1862. Although some African Americans served as soldiers as early as that date, that was not the case in Kentucky. Since he was already free, he did not go off the the Union army to gain his liberty. This young man probably joined up with some one of the scores of regiments that were campaigning in Kentucky at that time to work as a camp servant or in another laboring position in effort to see the sights of war.

Like arms-bearing soldiers, the lure of adventure probably faded fast for this young man. Long hours of duties in camp, cold winter nights and blistering summer days, poor rations, sickness, and death were likely far more common experiences for him than any martial glory. One has to wonder if he survived the war. Were his parents able to confirm their suspicions early, or did they have to wait weeks, months, or years to find out his fate? Did he join a USCT regiment in some capacity when African Americans were finally allowed to enlist in Kentucky? If he survived, did he have a welcomed return? We may never know the answers to these questions, but it seems pretty obvious that the allure of wartime adventure cut across the color line.

Just Finished Reading - Granbury's Texas Brigade

Being a long time student of the too often overlooked Western Theater of the Civil War, I was excited to see Granbury's Texas Brigade: Diehard Western Confederates, by John R. Lundberg, offered by LSU Press last year.

What eventually became Granbury's Brigade - one of the Army of Tennessee's premier fighting units - coalesced between the battles of Chickamauga and Chattanooga. However, their regimental parts had inauspicious beginnings. Several Texas cavalry regiments that were captured at Arkansas Post, and an infantry regiment, the 7th Texas, which had been captured at Fort Donelson, made up the command of Hiram Bronson Granbury. Granbury was formerly the colonel of the 7th Texas.

Lundberg contends that this command was steeled by their previous defeats, surrenders, and prisoner of war experiences and became - through the superior leadership of their commanders, Granbury and division leader Patrick Cleburne - one of the Army of Tennessee's most reliable and steadfast brigades.

The regiments that made up Granbury's Brigade suffered significant losses early in the war due to desertions,  but Lundberg claims that these defections for the greatest part were not due to a lack of commitment to the Confederate cause. Rather, many of these soldiers were disappointed by having their cavalry mounts taken away and forced to fight dismounted. Another factor in the desertions was the desire for a number of the men to fight closer to home. Lundberg contends that enlistment records of units serving in Texas bear this out.

When Granbury's Brigade was finally formed it made quite a name for itself. Its first major combat was on Missionary Ridge at Chattanooga in November 1863. Cleburne's Division, and in particular Granbury's Brigade, held the Confederate right flank against the Union attacks. After the center of the line crumbled, finally forcing the brigade's retreat, it served as rear guard troops and rebuffed another Union assault at Ringgold Gap, which allowed the Army of Tennessee to reach Dalton, Georgia, in relative safety.

During the Atlanta campaign the following spring and summer, Granbury's Brigade won a number of smaller engagements and fought well as Gen. Joseph Johnston backed the Army of Tennessee up to the important city. Battles such as Pickett's Mill show the hard fighting devotion to both the Confederate cause and their commanders, Granbury and Cleburne, that the Texas soldiers continued to exhibit.

The beginning of the end of Granbury's Brigade occurred at the Battle of Franklin, in November 1864, where both Granbury and Cleburne were killed. And, while the Texans continued to battle at Nashville, and later in the Carolinas, now with many fewer men, and without their inspirational leaders, the brigade was  never quite the same and morale sagged.

Granbury's Texas Brigade is a well researched and written book. My only gripe (and small one at that) is the author's continual rehashing that the brigade's combat record refutes Richard Beringer, et al.'s arguments in Why the South Lost the Civil War.  That book claims that lack of Confederate commitment cost the South the war. Similarly, Lundberg often claims that the brigade's history supports the contentions that Gary Gallagher in The Confederate War and Jason Phillips in Diehard Rebels make. That is, that the majority of Confederates fought to the bitter end. I personally think this observation needed to be stated only once or twice, but it is made at the beginning and end of a number of the chapters throughout the book. Despite this minor complaint, I think any student of the Western Theater will enjoy this work. On a scale of one to five, I give Granbury's Texas Brigade: Diehard Western Confederates a 4.75.

Zooming in on USCT Soldiers at Dutch Gap, VA

I stumbled across the above image in the online collection of Civil War photographs located on the Library of Congress' website. I was unable to see much detail in the photograph so I downloaded the TIFF image and found that it appears to be taken at a USCT camp near the Dutch Gap Canal on the James River in Virginia, which was just south of Richmond. The Library of Congress only had the photograph labeled as "Dutch Gap, Virginia, Bomb-proof quarters."

Dutch Gap was an engineering project the Union army devised in effort to avoid the formidable Confederate defenses on the James River at Drewery's Bluff, which protected Richmond from water-route invasions.

Almost dead-center in the foreground is a ghost-like image of an African American soldier standing on a plank at shoulder arms with fixed bayonet. The ghostly appearance is due to the soldier moving while the picture was being taken. One can clearly "see through" the man. An ax and wheel barrow are directly behind him and a wooden beam runs behind his face and head.

Just to the right of the soldier standing guard (and barely visible in the very top photograph) is a soldier staring directly at the photographer.  He is is wearing a enlisted man's frock coat, the nine buttons of which stand out brightly. He stands just outside the entrance of a bomb proof shelter. Another soldier's right arm and right half of his face is barely discernible behind the featured soldier.

Bomb proofs were dug into banks, trench sides or hillsides by the soldiers to avoid the enemy's heavy artillery blasts. A bright gun barrel and what appears to be another soldier's left hand can be seen at the door of the bomb proof.  A pile of overcoats (or greatcoats as they were called then) are on the right side of this cropped detail.

To the right of the soldier at the bomb proof entrance is a group of three soldiers.  The soldier in the middle moved making it seem there are four soldiers seen here.  All three are looking at the photographer. The soldier on the far right looks to be holding something out in front of him at this waistline. The soldier in the center has his hands in his pockets and is wearing a vest under his frock coat. 

In the right foreground is a white officer. He is wearing knee-high muddy boots and his sword scabbard appears to be mud spattered, too.  He has on an officer's frock coat with shoulder straps and officer's kepi.

In the left foreground is a pile of discarded barrels and wheelbarrows. Two white men, possibly from the engineering or quartermaster department, stand to the right of the pile. One man has his arms folded across his chest and the other is standing on a plank and has his hands crossed in front while wearing gloves.  An African American soldier is seated on the hillside just to the right. Above the seated soldier is the covered entrance to another bomb proof shelter. Directly behind the pile of barrels seems to be yet another bomb proof. This one appears to have a brick chimney.  

A closer detail of the soldier sitting on the hillside shows he appears to be wearing a shell jacket rather than the frock coats worn by his comrades. He wears his cap at a jaunty angle.

Zeroing in on the hillside above the camp, one can discern that it is wash day. In almost the very center of the photograph, which the above detail shows, a soldier can be seen on the left side (there might be sergeant strips on his right arm sleeve) and just to the right of him is another soldier (his face is barely visible by the tree and a black speck on the photograph. The soldier on the left seems to be wearing his coat, while the one hidden mostly by the tree is in his shirt. A clothesline of white shirts are drying to the right of the tree, and buckets are just below the shirts.

Another close-up, this one just the left of the group at the clothesline, shows more soldiers doing laundry. One is shown facing forward looking at the camera in the bottom right, while at least one other has his back turned in the center. A pair of white drawers hang on a grapevine or bush drying in the top left.

Image courtesy of the Library of Congress. The TIFF image can be downloaded here.

The Tension of Slavery and Emancipation

While doing some research through Kentucky newspapers I ran across the above notice on page three of the February 25, 1864, edition of Henderson, Kentucky's, The Weekly Reporter.

Understanding the historical context of the state helps one better understand this brief and tragic article. As I have mentioned in past posts, Kentucky was the last of the major slaveholding states to formally end the institution. Exempt from the Emancipation Proclamation due to its continued loyalty to the Union, it took the ratification of 13th Amendment in December 1865 to finally bring emancipation to the commonwealth.

As one might imagine, the road to freedom had many bumps and potholes. Slaves in Kentucky fully understood what was happening during the Civil War. They knew about the Emancipation Proclamation, which went into effect fully a year before this newspaper notice ran. They understood that a victory for the Union would be a defeat for slavery. White Kentuckians hoped that by remaining loyal slavery would continue in the state. Enslaved people thought otherwise. They used the disruption of the war to runaway. Some went to nearby Union army camps, others to free states across the Ohio River. Still, more slowed their pace of work and others felt emboldened, knowing the institution was on it last legs.

We do not know the full situation in this particular incident. We do not know why the unnamed slave became "refractory and attempted the life of Mr. Mills, the overseeer." But, without a doubt it shows the tension that existed between the oppressed and the oppressor. Other information would be needed to complete and corroborate this account - information that may or may not be available. But, knowing what was going on at this time allows one to make a speculative inference.

This is purely speculation on my part, but this slave probably knew that he was laboring under a dying institution. He may have become lax in his responsibilities and was thus threatened by Mr. Mills the overseer. Being fed up with his situation the enslaved man may have returned the threat. The overseer, being in his particular authoritative position, likely felt he had little choice but to back up his threats with exercised force. From the overseer's perspective, he could little allow his authority to be questioned. If he did, he would not get the needed labor from his charges, essentially his main responsibly. In addition, being a white man, honor would not allow him to be threatened by a slave without some severe recourse. Again, this conjecture is purely speculative, but would not have been unheard of in this time and place. Regardless of the true facts of the incident, the tension between slavery and emancipation was played out in many similar occurrences across Kentucky and the South.      

Zooming in on Slave Quarters - Hilton Head, SC

Located in the Gladstone Collection of the Library of Congress is an intriguing photograph titled "Drayton's Negro Quarters, Hilton Head, SC." The image becomes even more fascinating when details are exposed, however, some speculation is needed.

In the right foreground of the image are five African American children. Two of the boys wear Union army caps, while one is bareheaded. The young girl on the left is holding an infant in her arms. They all appear to be barefoot. I can't help but wonder if these are brothers and sisters. Cousins? Or, are they just neighbors? 

To the far left of the photograph is a woman with a her head wrapped and holding an infant. The woman has on an apron and a young man stands next to her. Is the boy is her son?  Maybe her younger brother?

This particular detail allows a closer look at the slave quarters. They appear to be frame, clapboard sided structures with a doorway and window on the front elevation. Likely there is a rear entrance/exit door too. Also shown in this detail is an improvised stick fence to the left side of the quarter. This barrier may have been for a garden plot that they wanted to keep protected from animals. But, possibly it could have been used to keep poultry or other small animals caged in.  

Standing next to the five children in the right foreground is a man in what appears to be a military frock coat. But, the coat seems to be light colored. As this photograph was probably taken after Union troops had captured the South Carolina sea islands, it may be that this is a Northern civilian official that served as an overseer.

To the left of this man and in the background is an African American man wearing an apron.  Maybe he is a blacksmith or possibly a butcher. Directly behind the white man is an African American man sitting the quarter's doorway.

In front of a couple of the slave quarters on the left side of the photograph are undetermined piles of something.  What ever it is, it seems to be light colored. Are these piles of oyster shells? Sweet potatoes?

Another detail shows the brick chimney of the quarters, which seem to be whitewashed. Nearby an African American man stands with his back to a tree staring at the photographer.

Just Finished Reading - General Lee's Army

Yet another book that had remained too long on my shelf is General Lee's Army: From Victory to Collapse, by Joseph T. Glatthaar. Had I realized that this work was not your ordinary study of the Army of Northern Virginia, I would have gotten to it much sooner.

From the first page, one finds that General Lee's Army is a mix of social and military history. Glatthaar makes a point to spend much of the book informing the reader what life was like for the men that made up the Army of Northern Virginia (ANV), rather than providing a detailed examination of strategy and battle tactics. And, considering that the book covers 472 pages of text, the number of primary source accounts he provides to tell their story is nothing short of impressive (the footnotes and bibliography covers over 100 pages). As the book's dust jacket explains: "General Lee's Army penetrates headquarters tents and winter shanties, eliciting the officers' plans, wishes, and prayers; it portrays a world of life, death, healing, and hardship; it investigates the South's commitment to the war and its gradual erosion; and it depicts and analyzes Lee's men in triumph and defeat." That is, in effect, a real good summary of the book.

The most fascinating aspect of the book rests with the statistical analysis on the socioeconomic background of the soldiers that made up the ANV. A sample of 600 ANVsoldiers was taken for this study. 300 of which were infantry, 150 cavalry, and 150 artillery. Then, taking information from these soldiers' service records, census records, state pension files, and other sources, and covering all the Confederate states, Glatthaar gives us a portrait of the men in the ranks and files. By completing this statistical survey Glatthaar found that the ANV was made up of soldiers of all classes of society. And, their attachment to the institution of slavery was significant.

For too long I have heard what I believe to be a fallacious argument, i.e. that Confederate soldiers were not fighting for slavery, because only a minority owned slaves. I believe this particular argument is faulty because most of the soldiers that made up the Confederate armies were young men just getting their start in life and thus owned little property at all, let alone expensive slaves. However, if one takes into consideration the slaveowning families that the soldiers came from, the number of men with ties to slavery increases dramatically. A modern comparison would be teenagers or college-aged young people owning cars. Many young people do not own their own vehicle, rather their parents provide for their means of transportation by letting their son or daughter use a vehicle that the adult, in fact, owns.

Similarly, the marginal percentage of slaveowners in the South is due to taking into account women and children, individuals that would only on rare occasions actually own slaves. A far better determining figure is slaveholding families. Glatthaar found that "volunteers in 1861 were 42 percent more likely to own slaves themselves or to live with family members who owned slaves than the general population." But that's not all. The study also "indicated that almost one of every two 1861 recruits lived with slaveholders." The association is even greater when one considers the "Untold numbers of enlistees that rented land from, sold crops to, or worked for slaveholders." Slavery was fully ingrained in the South's culture, economy, society, and politics, and thus naturally an important part of the main army of the Confederacy.

The chapter names show that General Lee's Army covers a number of topics: "Becoming Soldiers," "A Failure of Discipline," "Supplying the Army," "Camp and Recreation," "Religion and Morality," "Home Front," and one that was especially intriguing to me, "Blacks and the Army," which discusses the role of slaves in providing labor services to the ANV. Enslaved African Americans served the army as body servants, cooks, washers, teamsters, and in a host of other duties.

The thing that really stood out to me - and something I already knew, but Glatthaar certainly reinforced - was the fact that the men that made up the ANV were fully committed to their cause, and once Lee was placed in command, committed to their commander. These men marched through, fought through, ate, slept in and literally breathed a hellish existence, and yet, the great majority slugged on to the bitter end. Thus, it is not so surprising that, due to their extreme sacrifices, they and their children and grandchildren would develop the Lost Cause myths that have existed and persisted since Lee surrendered to Grant in Wilmer McLean's parlor at Appomattox.

I really enjoyed reading General Lee's Army: From Victory to Collapse. The detailed aspects of soldier life and the statistical analysis were highlights for me. On a scale of one to five, I give it a 5. Well done.  

The Bell - Plantation Time Pieces

Plantation bell from Greene County, Georgia

The opening stanza of the 1840s minstrel song "Jim Along Josie" gives a nod of acknowledgement to the plantation time piece - the bell.

Oh, I'se from Louisiana as you all know,

dats where Jim along Josies all go;

Dem folk all rise when de bell does ring,

dis is da song dat dey do sing.

For slaves who were not usually allowed to own pocket watches or clocks to keep time, a reliance on the sun made time management difficult due to the changing seasons. Most masters or overseers used a bell, horn or other audible means to communicate with their enslaved workers that it was time to start work, time to eat, time to quit work, time to go to bed, and on rare occasions, time to celebrate.  

Plantation bells came in all shapes and sizes and were mounted in as many diverse ways.  Images that I located on the Library of Congress website come mainly from the Historic American Building Surveys completed in the 1930s and 1940s. Many are posted high up, as if to get as much sound out to the workforce as possible.

On a plantation near Chicot, Arkansas

Clover Hill Plantation, near Clarksdale, Mississippi

On an old sugarcane plantation near Gibson, Louisiana

Thornhill Plantation, Greene County, Alabama

Plantation bell, Heard County, Georgia

Marcella Plantation, Mileston, Mississippi - This old bell appears to be on a modern  metal mounting frame.

Knowlton Plantation, Bolivar County, Mississippi

On Jackson homestead, Greene County, Georgia

Greene County, Georgia

Mount Harmon Plantation, Cecil County, Maryland

Images courtesy of the Library of Congress.

RANAWAY - An Expression of Agency

My Merriam Webster's Collegiate Dictionary, Tenth Edition, defines "agency" as - 1: "the capacity, condition, or state of acting or of exerting power." 2. "a person or thing through which power is exerted or an end is achieved."

Most enslaved people were unable to exercise much agency in their day-to-day lives. Yes, they could choose to feign sickness to avoid a day's work, and they could break their tools to delay the dissatisfaction of working for another man's profit. They could even, on rare occasions, rebel against authority and strike back at those that owned or dominated them. But these expressions of agency usually had severe repercussions and offered little hope of ultimately changing their condition permanently.

Running away, however, offered the possibility (albeit risky) of forever ending their enslaved life and the opportunity to finally make decisions for oneself. It was a risk many men and women were willing to take.

Escaping confinement in pursuit of freedom is almost as old as slavery itself. When fortuitous opportunities arose that enslaved people thought would increase their chance of success, they often took to the woods, fields, and streams to escape bondage. The occasions varied and may have been when the master was away for an extended period, or it might have been on a Saturday night when the slave knew they had until Monday morning to make as much distance as possible. Or, it might have been when given a pass, which allowed him or her to be off the master's property.

The turmoil that the Civil War engendered in Southern society afforded more opportunities than previously possible for slaves. The region's myriad newspaper advertisements for runaways bear vivid evidence. The above advertisement is a perfect example. Hundreds of similar ads were place from 1861-1865 and show us that some slaves exercised agency in attempt to change their situations.

In this particular ad, after a brief physical description, the owner provided an idea to where the thought the man may have gone. "Said negro ran off a few weeks before, made his way to [Union] Camp Dick Robinson, where, after some time, he was apprehended."  The master also believed that "It is possible he has gone in the same direction again."

Slaves understood much better than their master's gave them credit that the Civil War would ultimately be a war over slavery, whether that aim was  recognized and expressed by the government or not.