"Will Miss Him Sadly:" Capt. Samuel W. Vannuys, Co. E, 4th USCI

 

The research process often uncovers helpful evidence that fill in otherwise exasperating gaps of knowledge. For example, while recently looking for information about an officer from the 4^th United States Colored Infantry (USCI), who was killed in action at the Battle of New Market Heights, an obituary in his hometown newspaper came to light. This notice, printed in the Franklin Jeffersonian, provides significant details of a heroic life and death that would otherwise likely be lost to history, but instead, it along with other sources, helps construct a biography for this patriotic soldier. Corroborating the obituary’s information are the diary entries and letters home that Vannuys wrote and were later published in 1913 in History of Johnson County, Indiana (pages 420-485).

According to his gravestone Samuel Watson Vannuys was born on January 23, 1840, in Franklin, (Johnson County) Indiana. His parents, John and Caroline, ran a successful farm and Samuel grew up as the eldest of a group brothers and a sister. Educated at local Hopewell Academy, young Vannuys was preparing to obtain a college education when the Civil War erupted. As the obituary declares “he left this school, abandoned his studies and, although, of fine manly form, and commanding personal appearance, he modestly stepped into the ranks as a common soldier” and enlisted on September 13, 1861, in Company F, 7^th Indiana Volunteer Infantry. Vannuys soon received recommendations for promotion to officer status, but with no vacancies in his regiment, “his papers were forwarded to Washington, and he was eventually appointed to a first Lieutenancy, in the 4^th U.S. Colored Regiment.” Vannuys passed his officer’s board of review examination in Washington D.C. His service records show that he received appointment as 1^st lieutenant in Company H on July 23, 1863, and reported for duty on August 7.

As a lieutenant, Vannuys “engaged with zeal in the training of these Colored patriots, in the use of firearms, and the duties of the soldier.” As he worked with his soldiers Vannuys lost any “doubt as to their possession requisite of the soldier—bravery in the face of danger.”

It appears that Vannuys missed leading his troops in the June 15, 1864, fighting at Petersburg, which served as the combat initiation for the 4^th, as he was absent serving as adjutant at division headquarters. Although he received promotion to captain of Company E on July 1 to fill the place of its former captain, Vannuys continued to serve in his adjutant role. However, unfortunately, Vannuys’ time as captain of Company E proved short lived.

During the September 29, 1864, attack by the 4^th and 6^th USCIs at New Market Heights, “Captain Vannuys’ horse was killed and he led his men on foot to within a few yards of the rebel pits [earthworks], when they were met by such a murderous fire, as no men on earth could stand.” Devastated by the concentrated fire of the Texas Brigade on the two initial assaulting regiments, the attack lost its momentum and began to withdraw. “As they turned [Vannuys] received a shot in the neck, severing the carotid artery, and, it is supposed, killing him instantly.” However, “the men were soon rallied and reinforced and returned to the charge and drove the enemy from their works. Although, not more than 20 minutes elapsed between the retreat and the return of the attacking party—the enemy had robbed [Vannuys] of his watch, money and clothes.”

Much of the information in the obituary apparently comes for a letter written to Capt. Vannuys’ father from Lt. Z. F. Wilbur, Acting Assistant Quartermaster for the 3^rd Brigade of the 3^rd Division, XVIII Corps, and obviously Vannuys’ good friend. His warm sentiments provide ample evidence of their friendship: “What can a stranger say to comfort those nearest and dearest to him. But of one thing I can assure you, that you and your lady have the heartfelt sympathies of every officer in our Brigade, for Van as we called him was universally esteemed as a man and soldier. He has no enemies, but many friends, warm friends. It could not be otherwise with one of fixed principles, strict integrity and kindly heart. The death of no other officer in the 4^th regiment, or of this brigade, has created such a sensation, and we who were his daily companions will miss him sadly at our mess table and at our little circle around the camp fire.”

The last letter written by Capt. Vannuys to his Indiana family did not come from him, but interestingly from an unknown Confederate soldier. In a small envelope postmarked Old Point Comfort, Virginia, and cancelled on October 10, 1864, was a small piece of paper. On it, written by Capt. Vannuys and dated two days before his death at New Market Heights, it read: “This testament [Bible] belongs to Capt. S. W. VanNuys, Acting Ass’t Adj’t General 3d Brigade, 3d Div., 18^th Army Corps. Should I die upon the field of battle, for the sake of a loving mother and sister, inform my father, John H. VanNuys, Franklin, Indiana of the fact.” In postscript the Confederate soldier wrote: “Mr. John H. Vanings: It is my painful duty to inform you that your son was killed on the 29^th of the last month near Chaffin’s farm, Va. I have his testament. I will send it if you wish. From your enemy, one of the worst rebels you ever seen.” The postscript was initialed “L. B. F.”   

Vannuys’ body was recovered from the battlefield by Lt. Wilbur, who had it embalmed and returned to his “stricken parents and friends” back in Indiana who had the pleasure of beholding once more, the noble form of the fallen Patriot and Hero.” The young captain was only 24 years old.

Today, Capt. Samuel Watson Vannuys rests in peace in Greenlawn Cemetery in Frankiln, Indiana, having performed his duty faithfully and giving the last full measure of devotion to his country.

Civil War Soldiers and Tobacco Use

 

During the Civil War, almost all soldiers, both Union and Confederate, enjoyed a taste of tobacco from time to time. Many of the fighting men were unfamiliar with what all went into producing the substance they so enjoyed chewing or smoking, while others knew well from first-hand experience.

The popularity of tobacco among Civil War soldiers is evident from the large numbers of photographs showing men smoking pipes and cigars. Whether in formal studio sittings, or in candid camp scenes, soldiers proudly displayed their love for tobacco by including it in their images. Pamplin Historical Park has several of these photographs in its collections.

Tobacco’s ubiquity among Northern and Southern fighting men also comes out in their correspondence. Soldiers often wrote about the comfort that tobacco brought. One man, writing to a cousin claimed: “There seems to be a pride felt in enduring what at home we would consider hardships. But the soldier’s life is not all hardship. It is a pleasant sight to look on a group sitting round a fire in the evening, whiling away the time with stories of the past and speculations of the future. Then you would always see the pipes there. That you wouldn’t like. But for some reason a soldier does enjoy his tobacco.” He went on to explain that out of 87 men in his company 61 used tobacco. An Andersonville prisoner wrote in his diary that a friend’s gift of tobacco “’saved my life,’ for 24 hours at least.”

Other soldiers either mentioned experiencing tobacco’s ill effects or feeling a moral responsibility to stop using it. A 4^th Virginia Infantry soldier wrote, “I think I shall quit the use of tobacco altogether, as I am inclined to believe that it injures me.” Another Confederate used the excuse of scarcity to halt consumption: “I have quit chewing tobacco from necessity. I can not procure the weed at any price, so I thought it was as good a time to quit as I will ever find,” he wrote. Sometimes soldiers had to trade to get the valuable substance. A soldier at Petersburg marveled watching pickets swap. “These men who take one another by the hand this minute, may the next send one another to the spirit-land. These who are now trading tobacco for coffee and sugar, may, ere another hour rolls around, be trading lead for lead,” he wrote. 

Regardless of it perceived concerns then, and known adverse health effects today, tobacco’s place among America’s soldiers predated and went long past the Civil War. Its use by soldiers from colonial times to the Revolutionary War, Mexican-American War, Spanish American War, through the World Wars, Korea, Vietnam, and to the present conflicts is ample evidence of its continuing appeal to fighting men.

Image courtesy of the Library of Congress

Recent Acquisitions to My Library

Studies on individuals who participated in John Brown's 1859 raid on Harper Ferry continue to emerge to inform us. Previously works on white raider John E. Cooke, and black raider John Anthony Copeland are now joined by The Untold Story of Shields Green: The Life and Death of a Harper's Ferry Raider by Louis A. DeCaro, Jr. I've enjoyed and benefitted from DeCaro's previous works on John Brown, so I am confident this one will prove highly insightful as well.

An area of Civil War scholarship that is finally receiving much needed attention is army logistics. This critical aspect to understanding the success of the conflict's campaigns has largely escaped historians' focus. Civil War Supply and Strategy: Feeding Men and Moving Armies by Earl J. Hess looks to help fill a yawning void. Hess previously approached the topic with his Civil War Logistics: A Study of Military Transportation (2017), which I recommend reading before jumping into his most recent work, as it provides a solid foundation for better understanding the more campaign-focused Civil War Supply and Strategy. 

 

The men who served in the United States Colored Troops gave a number of reasons for why they fought. Some did so to to abolish slavery, some to save the Union, and many did so to stake a claim to the benefits of citizenship. In fact, a key element in the postwar move toward amending the Constitution to grant citizenship to African Americans born in the United States was the service and sacrifices of black soldiers in the Civil War. This was particularly true in the demands made by northern African Americans who tried to make the most of their service and who had learned from previously unsuccessful attempts for citizenship rights after military service in earlier American conflicts. Fighting for Citizenship: Black Northerners and the Debate over Military Service in the Civil War by Brian Taylor is an exciting new study exploring this relevant topic. I look forward to learning more about this political process.

 

 H. W. Brands is a prolific historian who publishes on various topics and diverse eras. His latest book, The Zealot and the Emancipator: John Brown, Abraham Lincoln and the Struggle for American Freedom looks at the different paths that these two giants of the mid-19th century American history took in attempting to solve the problem of slavery. One seemingly set things in motion with action, while the other responded to and negotiated the stream of emancipation politically. 

Happy reading! 

Dying Far From Home - Sgt. Lafayette Tibbs, Co. H, 5th USCI

 

The Civil War was by and large a young man’s conflict. Most enlisted men and noncommissioned officers fell within the 18-26 age group. A large number of commissioned officers also were under 30. It is a tragedy that so many of these young men fell victim to disease and battle. So many bright futures wiped out prematurely and so many generations left unrealized.

What motivated Lafayette Tibbs to enlist as a 19 year old? Were his reasons practical? Did he need steady income to help provide for his family? Were his reasons altruistic? Did he want to end slavery to help provide a brighter future for his race? Did he want to prove that black men were as brave as white men and thus as worthy of the rights of citizenship? Did he envision the promising future of an indivisible Union? Was it a combination of these things? We’ll likely never know, as his short life came to an end on October 19, 1864, succumbing to wounds he received at the Battle of New Market Heights.

Unfortunately, like so many men who served in the United States Colored Troops, little information is available about Lafayette Tibb’s developmental years. A small clue does survive with his appearance in the 1850 census, living in the household of his 50 year old mother Matilda Tibbs in Hocking Township, Fairfield County, Ohio. The seven year old Lafayette is the youngest of the five boys in the family. The whole family, all categorized as “mulatto,” were born in Virginia, except for Lafayette, who was born in Ohio. Perhaps Matilda and the other boys left enslavement in the Old Dominion and established a new life in the free state of Ohio either by self-emancipation or manumission by their former enslaver. Lafayette does not appear in the 1860 census, but Matilda and one of his older brothers are listed in the household of a man named John Brown, his wife, and their infant. At 17 years old, Lafayette may have been working locally elsewhere and missed by the census taker.

Lafayette Tibbs enlisted as a private in Company H, 5^th United States Colored Infantry on June 27, 1863, at Lancaster, Ohio. Now, 19 years old, Tibbs measured five feet, eight inches tall, and was described as “yellow” in complexion. His given occupation was “farmer.” Tibbs officially mustered into service at Camp Delaware in Delaware, Ohio, where the 5^th USCI trained, as well as the 27^th USCI. Young Tibbs soon received a promotion to sergeant.

Tibbs must have adapted well to the demands of military life as evidenced by his promotion, and his appointment for service as a member of the 3^rd Division, XVII Corps sharpshooter unit. It is unknown if Tibbs was operating as part of the sharpshooters, fighting as forward skirmishers, or within the ranks with Company H, when he received wounds during the assaults on September 29, 1864, at New Market Heights. Tibbs’ service records do not specify his wounds, but he received treatment for them after the battle at Balfour U.S. Army General Hospital in Portsmouth, Virginia. He died there on October 19. The paperwork for his personal effects, completed four months later, lists no possessions. 

 A soldier’s life, however brief, deserves a soldier’s resting place. Sgt. Lafayette Tibbs rests in grave number 80 in Hampton National Cemetery. This beautiful cemetery sits among buildings at Hampton University, a historically black institution of higher learning. Sgt. Tibbs would likely be proud that so many African American young men and women have had the opportunity to obtain a quality education and pursue the livelihood of their choosing partly due to the sacrifices he and his comrades willingly made during the Civil War.

Bully Photograph: Grant's Headquarters Outhouse

While searching for some images of Gen. Ulysses S. Grant's headquarters cabin at City Point, Virginia during the Petersburg Campaign, I came across a number of different images, both period and modern. The one above especially caught my attention first of all due to the United States flag. However, at  second glance, I also spotted an additional detail; the little outhouse directly behind Grant's cabin. Yes, even the most famous of military leaders had to answer when nature called. 

Photograph courtesy of the Library of Congress

"Got Used Up:" Casualties for the 4th USCI at the Battle of New Market Heights

 

Although he amazingly survived the Battle of New Market Heights unscathed, Sgt. Maj. Christian A. Fleetwood recorded his impression of the 4^th United States Colored Infantry’s experience on September 29, 1864, in his pocket diary. Brief and to the point, it accurately summed things up in a short phrase: “got used up.”

It is not surprising that the 4^th USCI sustained significant casualties since they led the charge at New Market Heights. However, the totals they suffered provide telling testimony to the bravery displayed by the men of the 4^th that day.

A thorough search through the Compiled Military Service Records (CMSR) for all of the regiment’s soldiers helped total the heavy price the 4^th USCI paid at New Market Heights. The numbers discovered are: 27 men killed in action, four missing in action but presumed dead, 23 fatally wounded, and 97 wounded but who survived. Of course, as the list below starkly shows, many of the wounded who lived had their lives forever changed by their New Market Heights injuries.

The totals that I found differ somewhat from what Edward G. Longacre shares in his book, A Regiment of Slaves: The 4th United States Colored Infantry, 1863-1866. His figures are 27 killed, 137 wounded, and 14 missing. 

Killed in Action

Pvt. Joseph H. Bantum, Co. G, 18, Talbot Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Robert A. Bantum, Co. H, 26, Traptown, MD; Baltimore, MD

Sgt. Cyrus Boley, Co. E, 27, Dorchester Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Harrison Cooper, Co. H, 33, Traptown, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. William K. Dockins, Co. I, 22, Cambridge, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Henry Dunson, Co. H, 23, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Corp. John H. Dyson, Co. G, 19, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Alfred Ennels, Co. C, 25, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

1^st Sgt. Isaac Harrol, Co. E, 25, Nansemond, VA; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. William H. Holloway, Co. I, 27, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Joshua James, Co. C, 22, Harford Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Hanson C. Key, Co. F, 26, Frederick Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Charles Marr, Co. H, 18, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Benjamin Matthews, Co. F, 21, Frederick Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Henry Mays, Co. A, 20, Eastern Shore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Thomas Henry Mitchell, Co. E, 23, Cambridge, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Thomas Mooney, Co. C, 20, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Corp. John R. Newman, Co. I, 23, Caroline Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Corp. Andrew Nichols, Co. K, 25, Frederick Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

1^st Sgt. Augustus A. Norton, Co. F, 25, Harford Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. William Patterson, Co. E., 25, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Richard Savoy, Co. A, 21, Queen Anne Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Eli W. Smith, Co. B, 20, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Sgt. Allen Toop, Co. F, 21, Carroll Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Corp. Henry Travis, Co. C, 27, Henry Co., VA; Baltimore, MD

Capt. Samuel W. Vannuys, Co. E, 24, Johnson Co. Indiana; origionally served in 7^th Indiana Inf. then appointed 2^nd Lt in 4^th USCI

Pvt. John Dorsey Watts, Co. B, 22, Clear Spring, MD; Baltimore, MD

Fatally Wounded

Pvt. John Bantum, Co. H, 24, Talbot Co.; MD; Baltimore, MD; died on 10-4-1864 after amputation of left leg at thigh

Corp. Elhanan Buie, Co. G, 20, Frederick Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; died on 10-24-1864 from gunshot wound to left ilium (pelvis hip bone)

Sgt. Levin J. Camper, Co. D, 25, Dorchester Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; died on 10-27-1864 from amputation of leg and chronic diarrhea  

Pvt. Augustus Cook, H, 23, Carroll Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; died on 10-27-1864 from wounds received in action

Sgt. Isaac Cook, Co. C, 24, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD; died on 10-16-1864 from amputation of left leg

Pvt. John Cook, Co. H, 24, Carroll, Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; died on 9-30-1864 on board hospital transport steamer Matilda

Pvt. Thomas Cornish, Co. K, 19, Eastern Shore, MD; Baltimore, MD; died on 10-16-1864 from gunshot wound of left shoulder

Corp. James Dawson, Co. A, 20, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD; died on 10-1-1864 at Point of Rocks Hospital from wounds received at New Market Heights

1^st Sgt. Nathaniel W. Dorsey, Co. B, 26, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD; died on 10-29-1864 at Point of Rocks Hospital from gunshot wound to left leg

Pvt. Henry Dutton, Co. C, 38, Carroll Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; died on 10-18-1864 from gunshot wound perforating right lung

Sgt. Alfred B. Hilton, Co. H, 21, Harford Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; died on 10-21, 1864 from amputation at right knee joint; Medal of Honor recipient

Pvt. Henry Jackson, Co. E, 21, Cambridge, MD; Baltimore, MD, died on 10-11-1864 from amputation of left arm and left thigh

Pvt. John H. Maybury, Co. G, 24, Frederick, MD; Baltimore, MD; died on 10-3-1864 from gunshot wound through breast

Corp. Risdon Newman, Co. C, 45, Eastern Shore, MD; Baltimore, MD; died on board hospital transport steamer Matilda on 9-30-1864 from severe wounds received at New Market Heights

Corp. Robert Parker, Co. H, 22, Dorchester Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; died on 10-30-1864 from gunshot wound fracture of right radius, gunshot wound to flesh of right thigh, gunshot wound to right knee, and gunshot wound to flesh of back; noted cause of death is pneumonia

Pvt. James Reynolds, Co. F, 18, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD; died on 4-18-1865 from gunshot wounds received at New Market Heights

Pvt. William Richfield, Co. B, 25, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD; died on 10-3-1865 on board hospital steamer Thomas Powell

Corp. Levin Robinson, Co. E, 27, Cambridge, MD; Baltimore, MD; died on 11-14-1864

Pvt. William Seafers, Co. H, 38, Dorchester, MD; Baltimore, MD; died on 10-19-1864 from gunshot wound to left leg

Pvt. Samuel Smith, Co. B, 28, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD; died on 10-11-1864 from gunshot wound to right thigh

Pvt. William Tripp, Co. G, 28, Talbot Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; died 10-24-1864 from wounds received at Battle of New Market Heights

Pvt. Richard Varney, Co. K, 21, Talbot Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; died 10-6-1864 from wounds to head, right arm, and side

Pvt. Henry Watson, Co. B, 22, Lynchburg, VA; Baltimore, MD; died 11-9-1864 from amputation of right thigh

Missing in Action

Pvt. John Camper, Co. I, 18, Dorchester Co., MD; Baltimore, MD (presumed killed)

Pvt. Richard Smith, Co. D, 25, Dorchester, MD; Baltimore, MD (presumed killed)

Corp. Joseph Snavely, Co. I, 19, Frederick Co., MD; Baltimore, MD (presumed killed)

Pvt. Theodore Williams, Co. I, 19, Clarktown, MD; Baltimore, MD

Wounded Survived

Col. Samuel A. Duncan, wounded in right ankle (commanding brigade)

Company A

Pvt. John H. Bailey, 23, Eastern Shore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Edward Budd, 38, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Benjamin Scott, 18, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. James Shields, 23, Baltimore Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Sgt. John R. Warren, 26, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 4-1-1865 on surgeon’s certificate from wounds received at New Market Heights

Corp. Alexander Watts, 19, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. George Williams, 19, Accomack Co., MD [VA?]; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 6-26-1865

Company B

Pvt. David Bedford, 22, Charles, MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 9-23-1865 from gunshot wound of left humerus

Pvt. William F. Bordley, 18, Talbot Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Nathaniel Brooks, 17, Cumberland, MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 6-24-1865 from amputation of left forearm due to gunshot wound

Pvt. Raleigh Butler, 21, Cumberland, VA; Baltimore, MD

Corp. Alexander Cassell, 20, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. William Green, 19, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD; later died of disease

Pvt. James Johnson, 19, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD; died 1-18-1865 of disease

Pvt. William H. Morgan, 28, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. James F. Price, 18, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Ephraim Smith, 19, Mt. Airy, MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 7-19-1865 from amputation of right thigh at lower third

Corp. James R. Thompson, 19, Williamsport, MD; Baltimore, MD

Company C

Corp. George Bond, 24, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 5-30-1865 from gunshot wound to right hip

Pvt. Daniel C. Bordley, 22, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Eli Fickle, 42, Frederick, MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 6-23-1865 at Fort Monroe from wounds received on September 29, 1864

Pvt. Charles Griffin, 39, New Orleans, LA; Baltimore, MD

Sgt. George Hutchings, 30, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Sgt. William E. Matthews, 27, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 6-25-1865 due to complications from New Market Heights wound

Pvt. William Miles, 35, not listed; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 5-3-1865

Pvt. Murray C. D. Palmer, 36, Caroline Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 6-26-1865

Pvt. John H. Pinckney, 22, Talbot Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 3-20-1865 from amputation of right thigh at upper third

Pvt. John C. Robinson, 25, Frederick, MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 1-12-1866 from gunshot wound of thorax at right side

Pvt. Samuel Sharp, 18, Eastern Shore, MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 4-4-1865

Pvt. Philip Waters, 25, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 4-14-1865

Pvt. Robert Wilson, 20, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Company D

Pvt. Thomas Bell, 16, Dorchester Co., MD; Chillicothe, OH

Pvt. Jacob Cloyd, 19, South Hampton, MD; Baltimore, MD

Corp. Charles J. Jackson, 25, Dorchester Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. John H. Johnson, 17, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Corp. William Stiles, 21, Dorchester Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 6-26-1865 from gunshot wound of right thigh

Pvt. Charles Thompson, 17, Hardy Co., (West) VA; Baltimore, MD; discharged 6-26-1865

Company E

Pvt. Isaiah Camper, 31, New Market, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Henry W. Dorsey, 20, New Williamsport, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Isiah Fisher, 20, Eastern Shore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Sgt. Jacob Henry, 25, Cambridge, MD; Baltimore, MD

2^nd Lt. James Murray Hoag, disability discharge 4-18-1865 from wounds to right shoulder and amputation of left arm above elbow

Pvt. John D. Jackson, 18, Cambridge, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Abram Lincoln, 23, Ann Arundel, MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 2-8-1866 from gunshot wound to right hand fracturing and carrying away almost the entire metacarpal bones

Sgt. Garrison Nichols, 25, Dorchester, MD; Baltimore, MD; loss of left leg from wound at New Market Heights

1st Lt. Thomas H. Price, wounded in left hand

Pvt. John T. Robinson, 23, Cambridge, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. James Slaughter, 20, Talbot Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 1-27-1865 from amputation at lower third of left thigh

Company F

Pvt. John Q. Adams, 26, Hartford Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 11-10-1865 from amputation of left arm at shoulder joint

Sgt. Joseph Baker, 24, Carroll Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 6-26-1865 on account of wounds received on September 29, 1864

Pvt. Charles Fantis, 28, Princess Anne Co., VA; Baltimore, MD; discharged 6-26-1865 due to severe wounds received on September 29, 1864

Pvt. Benjamin Harp, 23, Frederick Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Corp. John F. Johnson, 28, Buckingham Co., VA; Baltimore, MD

Sgt. Charles Linghams, 28, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Thomas Thornton, 28, Fairfield, NC; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 5-30-1865 from gunshot wound fracturing right tibia

Company G

Pvt. Solomon Camfer, 19, Talbot Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Corp. Joshua Chew, 21, Talbot Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Corp. William Demby, 19, Queen Anne Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; later wounded at Fort Fisher, NC and died 3-3-1865 from those wounds 

Pvt. James W. Dixon, 28, Dorchester Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge on unknown date

Pvt. Jacob Gibson, 22, Dorchester Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. John H. James, 20, Dorchester Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Jacob Juricks, 22, Frederick, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Dennis Linthicum, 24, Dorchester Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Henry Preston, 19, Harford Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Sgt. Alfred B. Roberts, 24, Frederick Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Henry Stewart, 20, Dorchester Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Charles H. Winchester, 21, Baltimore Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Company H

Sgt. William Grafton Buie, 25, Frederick Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Corp. Joseph Haynes, 22, Harford Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 1-20-1865 from gunshot wound of right thigh

Pvt. Joshua Johnson, 27, Frederick, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. William Jones, 22, Carroll Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 5-5-1865 from gunshot wounds to both arms

Pvt. Perry H. Kirby, 27, Queen Anne Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Nathan Smith, 26, Frederick Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Daniel White, 27, Frederick Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 6-24-1865 from gunshot wound to right humerus

Company I

Pvt. Israel Banks, 21, Dorchester Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Lewis Cook, 32, Caroline Co., MD; Baltimore, MD

2^nd Lt. W. Watson Gillingham, resigned due to surgeon’s disability from gunshot wound of right hip and right arm

Pvt. Jacob Green, 22, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

Corp. John Robert Jones, 22, Port Tobacco, MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 10-15-1865 from amputation at left forearm

Pvt. George Seymour, 18, Dorchester, MD; Baltimore, MD; gunshot wound of left hip (slight)

Pvt. Richard Smith, 23, Dorchester, MD; Baltimore, MD

1^st Lt. Daniel W. Spicer, 20, disability discharge 5-15-1865 from gunshot wound to right thigh

Pvt. William H. Wheatley, 41, Cambridge, MD; Baltimore, MD

Company K

Pvt. Henry Antony, 19, Queen Anne Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 7-27-1865 from severe gunshot perforating wound of left hand resulting in amputation of index finger

Pvt. Samuel Bentley, 23, Clear Springs, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. John Bowie, 18, Frederick, MD; Baltimore, MD

Sgt. Grafton Crosley, 27, New Market, MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 4-4-1865 from gunshot wound to right shoulder

Pvt. Jacob Gibson, 21, Talbot Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 6-26-1865 from gunshot wound received on September 29, 1864

Pvt. Alexander Gross, 20, Prince George, MD; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. John Gustave, 22, Eastern Shore, MD; Baltimore, MD; died 10-9-1864 of typhoid fever

Pvt. John N. Harris, 18, Frederick Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 8-17-1865 from disease brought on from gunshot wound to right arm received in action

Corp. Phillip Hooper, 24, New York, NY; Baltimore, MD

Sgt. Henry Johnson, 22, Athens, OH; Baltimore, MD

Pvt. Basil Pam, 35, Frederick Co., MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 6-26-1865

Pvt. Matthew Roberts, 22, Eastern Shore, MD; Baltimore, MD; disability discharge 2-26-1866

Pvt. John Thompson, 18, Baltimore, MD; Baltimore, MD

This list was not produced in attempt to sensationalize the pain these men suffered, but rather to acknowledge the sacrifices they were willing to endure to ensure the death of slavery, show themselves men and worthy of citizenship and thus the guarantees of the Constitution, and maintain the Union of the states. In addition, hopefully this enumeration helps descendants make connections with their soldier ancestors. Courageously done, men of the 4^th!     

Dying Far From Home – Pvt. William Richfield, Co. B, 4th USCI

 

By the time the Battle of New Market Heights occurred, the 4^th United States Colored Troops (USCI) had already endured enemy fire several times. Their baptism in combat came on June 15, 1864, in the Army of the Potomac’s initial Union attacks on Petersburg. As part of Gen. Edward Hincks’ Division of the XVIII Corps, Army of the James, the 4^th USCI ran into opposition along the City Point Road as it marched toward Petersburg.

The 4^th’s sergeant major, Christian A. Fleetwood, recorded his thoughts on June 15 in his pocket diary. Of the morning’s scrap at Baylor’s Farm, Fleetwood noted, “Up at break of dawn and under way . . . went into action early charged out of woods. Cut up badly Regt. Broke and retreated Fired into by 5^th Mass. [Colored Cavalry]. Last Regt charged with 22^nd [USCI]-Took the [Confederate] Battery.”

After securing the prized guns, Hincks’ Division moved on toward the Dimmock Line defending the Cockade City. Fleetwood again recorded the events: “Lay under their fire all balance of the day advancing by degree in line about 7 P.M. Final charge made Seven guns taken by our Regt. Our loss pretty heavy.” It is unknown whether Fleetwood’s 4^th USCI comrade and fellow Baltimorean, Pvt. William Richfield, received his wound at Baylor’s Farm or during the attacks on the Dimmock Line, but it was significant enough to need treatment at a Union general hospital. Richfield’s June 15 wound would not be his last.

Like so many United States Colored Troops soldiers, unfortunately, not much is known about William Richfield’s life before he enlisted in the 4^th USCI. He does appear on a July 1863 draft registration for Baltimore’s 13^th Ward. Apparently, Richfield lived at 40 Hill Street. He gave his age as 22 as of July 1, 1863, and was a married man. The vague label of laborer notes Richfield’s occupation. Although Richfield’s Compiled Military Service Record states that he was a free man of color before the war, a search produced no hits in the 1850 and 1860 censuses.

Fortunately, Richfield’s service records do give some additional information on the man. Interestingly, his service record age is three years advanced from what the draft board noted although taken at approximately the same time. Richfield is described as five feet, eight inches tall, and having a “black” complexion. “Laborer,” again, was his stated occupation. He enlisted in his hometown of Baltimore on July 21, 1863, and assigned to Company B. In addition, it also appears that Richfield performed additional daily duty as a drummer for the 4^th USCI.   

Richfield likely endured additional enemy fire in the trenches around Petersburg during the summer of 1864. However, all that came before paled in comparison to the combat faced on September 29, 1864, at New Market Heights. The 4^th USCI led the charge early that morning through the mist, and in the written words of Fleetwood’s diary, “got used up.” During the severe fighting, Richfield received a second wounding in his service. Removed from the New Market Heights battlefield, Richfield received transport for medical treatment.

It is unknown if Richfield first received medical aid locally at either the Point of Rocks or City Point hospitals, but eventually, he was either treated at or on the way to the general hospital at Fort Monroe when he died from his wound or wounds on October 5, 1864, aboard the steamer Thomas Powell (shown below). Richfield’s service records indicate he left no personal effects. However, he apparently did leave a wife as a widow, and possibly children, too.

Today, Pvt. William Richfield rests in grave number 1291 in the Hampton National Cemetery. Although his headstone misspells his last name, the Battle of New Market Heights Memorial and Education Association recognizes the sacrifice of his life in service to the United States. Hopefully by sharing his story with the public we can give him a measure of immortality that he so truly deserves. Rest in peace, soldier.

Recent Acquisitions to My Library

It is difficult to believe that we are already a week into October. Having not posted yet this month means that I am a little behind if I am going to hit my target of nine posts. A significant amount of my time and mental energy has gone into work for the Battle of New Market Heights Memorial and Education Association. Demands at work have also increased which take away some "off hours" for preparation. Of course, my pace of reading has slacked, too. Regardless, I am still finding a few books here and there from my "wishlist" that are available at the right price.   

Despite leaving Kentucky over five years so, my interest in the border region has not dissipated. The Ohio River separated slave state Kentucky from free states Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. Somehow Union proved stronger than slavery and the Bluegrass State remained part of the United States. In Bonds of Union: Religion, Race, and Politics in a Civil War Borderland, author Bridget Ford examines these factors as the glue that helped the region stay together.

The War Went On: Reconsidering the Lives of Civil War Veterans, edited by Brian Matthew Jordan and Evan C. Rothera, is the latest contribution to the growing body of Civil War veterans studies. Fantastic books by Jordan, James Marten, and Donald R. Shaffer, among others, have explored issues that veterans faced as they transitioned back into society and as they aged. This collection of 15 essays promises to unearth even more aspects of soldiers' postwar lives and will certainly make a major contribution to this genre of scholarship. 

An especially intriguing new title is Force and Freedom: Black Abolitionists and the Politics of Violence by Kellie Carter Jackson. My personal interest in John Brown is partly because his vision was so far from the typical moral suasionist white abolitionist. With African Americans having so much at stake in the eradication of slavery, it stands to reason that there would be more variance in methods. Both in  language and action black violence helped create an atmosphere that made white Southerners very uncomfortable and assisted in bringing on the Civil War, and thus ultimately the end of the "peculiar institution."      

Fighting Ranges at Peebles Farm, Sept. 30-Oct. 2, 1864

The peaceful and quiet fields that extend south from the Hart Farm in Dinwiddie County, Virginia, were anything but tranquil during the afternoon of October 2, 1864. The operations that culminated in the engagement on this piece of ground began two days earlier and is popularly known as the Battle of Peebles Farm; part of Gen. Ulysses S. Grant’s Fifth Offensive in the Petersburg Campaign.

After two days of battle, which resulted in significant gains in territory by the Union’s V and IX Corps, Grant wished for more. September 30 and October 1 witnessed a strong push north from around Poplar Springs Church (today’s Sharon Baptist Church), then up Squirrel Level Road through the Peebles Farm. The continued thrust north up Church Road nabbed Confederate Fort Archer and pushed on to the adjoining farms of John Pegram and Albert W. Boisseau, and right up to the Robert H. Jones farmhouse.

Joining the fray on October 2 were brigades of Gen. Gersham Mott’s Division of the II Corps. Instead of traveling north with the V and IX Corps, they moved west toward Duncan Road, and hopefully the Boydton Plank Road beyond, to test if defenses protected these routes. Opposing them were Confederate cavalry led by Col. Joel R. Griffin, who fell back to the line of earthworks recently under construction through the Hart Farm. William McRae’s North Carolina brigade of infantry soon relieved the horsemen at the works.

Around noon, Brig. Gen. B. R. Pierce developed his brigade into a reconnaissance in force to test the defenders. At 2:00 p.m., led by Lt. Col. George Zinn of the 84^th Pennsylvania, the brigade formed up in line of battle about 200 yards or so from the works in a shallow ravine of Reedy Branch. At 3:00 p.m. the charge went forward toward the Confederate works at the Hart House. The Confederates replied with fierce fire from McRae’s infantry defenders and artillery from Ellett’s Virginia Battery. Zinn soon determined that the effort was futile without risking great loss of life and ordered his men to retire. The brief assault resulted in the Union brigade losing 5 men killed, 49 wounded, and 14 missing; most of whom were probably captured. Among the wounded was Zinn; hit in the right leg. Zinn’s 84^th comrade, Capt. J. J. Wirsing, initially presumed dead in the attack, actually became a prisoner. McRae reported no losses on October 2.

Convinced the Confederate defenses were too strong to risk another assault, Mott withdrew back to the Peebles Farm line. There the Federals started digging in to ensure they kept the valuable ground they had gained in the three-day battle.

Lighting the Way

 

We take much for granted in our modern age. Today, for example, lighting is an expected reality. Only when the electrical power goes down do we start looking for a backup plan to see at night. Certainly, the mid-nineteenth century was a much darker place than today. However, people of that era, too, looked for lighting alternatives to continue to work and play long after the sun set.

From the 1700s into the early 1800s, one of the most popular forms of lighting came from whale oil. Seafaring expeditions, often originating from New England states and venturing around South America to the whaling grounds of the Pacific Ocean could last several years at a time. Rendering whale fat produced the oil substance that illuminated many homes, businesses, and some urban streets. Another common lighting source came from distilled turpentine, called camphene. Produced largely from pine tree forest plantations in the South, and often utilizing enslaved labor, camphene ended up serving various lighting needs across the United States. Yet another method of illumination came through gas. By burning bituminous coal in a controlled environment, it emitted gas. Routed to homes, businesses, and street lamps through pipes and valves, gas users paid a service subscription. Virginia cities such as Petersburg, Richmond, and Alexandria, all had gas lighting available before the Civil War to those who could afford it.

The nineteenth century also saw innovations in making fire. Matches, often known then by a brand name (Lucifers), came from dipping wood sticks into a mixture of phosphorus and other flammable ingredients. Now, instead of kindling a fire from the sparks of flint and steel, striking a match could produce an instant usable flame.

Lighting was a challenge for Civil War soldiers. The most common artificial light for individual use came from candles. Made from a variety of substances, mid-nineteenth century candles created enough light for nighttime tasks and were easy to carry. Natural substances such as beef tallow, swine lard, whale oil (spermaceti), and beeswax, as well with chemical processes (stearin), and refined ingredients such as paraffin, converted those materials into light. Manufactured by individuals hand-dipping, cottage industries through molds, and factories with steam presses, candles poured into the marketplace by the millions. Civil War army regulations even stipulated that along with their food rations, soldiers were to receive a certain allotment of candles per company. Many a letter to the home front from the front lines—or in the opposite direction—came after the day’s work or fighting was complete and with the aid of the simple candle.

A Signal Success

Imagine receiving vital intelligence that could potentially change the outcome a military campaign, and yet having to rely on a horse and rider to deliver that information. By the time the receiver gets the message, the situation could have changed drastically, rendering a lost opportunity. Real time communication during the American Civil War was a true challenge for those in leadership positions. And while the invention of the telegraph fifteen years or so before helped reduce much of the time and distance problem, running wires, setting poles, manufacturing telegraph keys, and locating experienced operators, all presented numerous logistical issues.

One way that Civil War armies battled the communication issue was through the use of signal flags and the utilization of observation and signal towers. A carte de visite photograph in the Collections of Pamplin Historical Park and the National Museum of the Civil War Soldier shows one such signal tower used during the Petersburg Campaign.

Due to the relatively flat terrain around Petersburg, it was often necessary for men in the Union and Confederate signal corps to get to an elevated position—either a constructed tower or a high tree—to send and receive information. Using the so-called “wig-wag” system, a series of directional flag waving developed by Maj. Albert Myer before the Civil War, both sides incorporated the system to effectively communicate during the conflict.

The observation and signal tower shown in the Park’s carte de visite is identified as the one located at Cobb’s Hill on the Appomattox River. This Union tower stood 110 feet high. Constructed beside Fort Zabriskie, it was not far from Point of Rocks on the Bermuda Hundred. It served as a vital communication link between the Army of the James and the Army of the Potomac. Built by the army’s Engineers, the tower consisted primarily of pine logs fastened together to form a six level structure with a “crow’s nest” atop.   

The Union army had a series of signal towers that ran near the U.S. Military Railroad line from City Point (present-day Hopewell), out to the far Union left end of the earthwork line at Fort Fisher. The tower located behind Fort Fisher rose to over 140 feet. One Maryland Confederate soldier commented on the towering timbers: “From its top the curious Federals have the satisfaction of seeing all that is going on in our lines. They will next mount a telescope to ascertain what we eat and the color of our hair. Go ahead, Mr. Yankee! But use it for religious purposes, as the top of your observatory is the nearest you will ever get to heaven.” A Union chaplain who ventured up in the towner confirmed the Maryland soldier’s suspicions. He wrote, “We could see rebels very distinctly, their defences, camps, etc. We also had a fine view of Petersburg. . . .”

The Cobb’s Hill signal tower remained in use to the end of the Petersburg campaign. Although Confederates targeted the lofty structure with artillery fire, it apparently remained unharmed.

Dying Far From Home - Sgt. James Lea, Co. K, 22nd USCI

The lack of surviving pre-war personal information about men who served in Civil War armies highlights the pervading anonymity of most 19^th century individuals. This was particularly true for African Americans. Before the war, enslaved men had few opportunities to leave documentation. Free black men, not considered citizens at that time, left frustratingly few records, too.

We do not know much about James Lea before he enlisted in Company K, 22^nd United States Colored Infantry (USCI), however, a few historical clues do remain. Lea appears in the 1850 census. At that time he was residing in his native Chester County, Pennsylvania. Living in his father Richard’s household, the 14 year-old James’ family also included his mother, Jane, his four sisters and one brother. Unfortunately, I was unable to find Lea in the 1860 census. But he appears in an interesting 1863 draft registration record. This document helps us fill in some biographical voids. First, it tells us that Lea was not married. It also corroborates his age from the 1850 census, as the 1863 document reports his age as 26. It lists Lea’s occupation as laborer, a vague description to be sure, but this record spells his last name as Lea instead of Lee, which some other records do. Additionally, the draft registration also tells us that Lea was somewhat traveled, in that it lists men eligible for the draft in Robinson Township, Allegheny County, Pennsylvania. Allegheny County, which is near Pittsburgh in the western part of the Keystone State is quite a distance from his native Chester County, near Philadelphia, in the east.

James Lea must have made a final trip back east, as his compiled service records state that he enlisted in Philadelphia on January 4, 1864. Joining up for three years, the 27-year old, six-foot, one-inch Lea gave his pre-war occupation as “brickmaker.” About a month and a half into his career as a soldier, Lea received a promotion to sergeant.

Lea fought with the 22^nd USCI during the June 15, 1864, assaults on Petersburg. The regiment braved their first baptism in fire marvelously, capturing several Confederate positions and pieces of artillery.  During the summer of 1864, Lea served on detached duty at Dutch Gap, apparently working on Maj. Gen. Benjamin Butler’s massive canal project. Although some of his comrades became casualties from the brutal Confederate artillery and sharpshooter fire, Lea remained unscathed.

The 22^nd USCI was among the regiments that made up the three brigades of the Third Division of the XVIII Corps in the Army of the James. Tabbed in Maj. Gen. Butler’s battle plan to attack the Confederate defenses that protected the New Market Road, just southeast of Richmond, Virginia, the Third Division started toward the enemy through a misty fog on the morning of September 29, 1864. Acting as skirmishers and supporting the left flank of the Third and Second Brigades during their frontal attacks, the soldiers of the 22^nd also took significant casualties. During the final push, and ultimate breakthrough, the 22^nd led the attack of the First Brigade (Col. John H. Holman’s), which also included the 1^st and 37^th USCI regiments. Capt. Albert Janes, in writing the after-action report for the 22^nd USCI, stated that: “The enemy was found to be in force beyond the woods in rifle-pits covering the New Market road. The rifle-pits had an abatis in front. As the charging column came up to the support of the skirmish line a part of the regiment assembled on the right and moved forward into the works, driving the enemy in confusion from them.”

It is unknown whether Sgt. James Lea received his death wound, or wounds, fighting as a skirmisher or in the brigade’s assault. All that his service records tell us is that he was “killed in action near New Market road, Va. Sept. 29, 1864.” Lea was one of the 11 men from the 22^nd USCI either killed or who ultimately died from their wounds at the Battle of New Market Heights.

Today, Sgt. James Lea rests in peace in grave number 460 in Fort Harrison National Cemetery. Despite the misspelled last name on his headstone, his story is without doubt one of service and sacrifice. We remember Sgt. Lea, for his commitment to the ideals upon which the United States was founded. It is only too sad that 156 years later we as a nation are still trying to figure out how to consistently practice those founding principles.

Overcoming Obstacles: Lt. James Monroe Trotter

 

Learning about the lives of Civil War soldiers before their enlistments, as well as what they accomplished during their time in service, can often be inspiring. Many came from humble beginnings yet still displayed a determination to better themselves and those around them, earning many soldiers well-deserved respect from modern-day history students. That is particularly true with many of the men who served in African American regiments. A good example is James Monroe Trotter. A seldom seen carte de visite photograph of Trotter is among the items held and preserved by Pamplin Historical Park and the National Museum of the Civil War Soldier.

Born in 1842 in Grand Gulf, Mississippi, James Monroe Trotter was the son of an enslaved woman named Letitia and his mother’s owner. Apparently afforded some learning opportunities while still enslaved, Trotter, his mother, and two sisters eventually landed in Cincinnati, Ohio, about a decade before the Civil War. In Cincinnati, Trotter received further education at Gilmore’s School and later began teaching in African American communities in the Ohio River Valley.

However, the Civil War interrupted Trotter’s teaching career. Only 19 years old when the conflict began, Trotter enlisted two years later, after Massachusetts started recruiting primarily Northern free men of color for their 54^th and 55^th Infantry regiments. Trotter made his way to Readville, Massachusetts, where he enlisted in Company K of the 55^th Massachusetts on June 11, 1863, becoming its first sergeant. He officially mustered into service 11 days later. A promotion to sergeant major came on November 19, 1863.

The 55^th Massachusetts still had not left the state at the time that their sister unit, the 54^th, earned their glory at Battery Wagner, South Carolina, on July 18, 1863, but they soon embarked to duty in North and South Carolina. The 55^th also served in Florida, and participated in engagements on James Island, South Carolina, as well as at Honey Hill, South Carolina, in November 1864, where Trotter received a wound.

During his service, Trotter worked diligently to educate the men under his direction, both mentally and politically. He taught soldiers how to read and write, despite a lack of books and other learning materials. He also actively sought equal pay for African American soldiers by getting his comrades to refuse their pay until it met that of white Union soldiers. Trotter’s and others’ efforts produced results when the army finally equalized pay on June 13, 1864.

Trotter’s leadership skills helped him eventually become one of the few African American commissioned officers outside of the army’s medical department. He received a 2^nd lieutenant’s commission in the spring of 1864, but unfortunately the army tabled it until 15 months later, in July 1865. However, once made official, his lieutenant’s pay was retroacted to April 1864.

After the war Trotter returned to Ohio, married, started a family and moved to Boston, where he felt his family had more social and educational opportunities. In Boston, Trotter worked as a clerk in the post office, and in 1878, wrote and published “Music and Some Musical People,” a history of African American music. Tragically, Trotter’s impressive life proved short. He died at age 50 from tuberculosis in 1892.

The Punishment Horse

With the majority of Civil War soldiers being in their late teens and early twenties, it stands to reason that commissioned officers and NCOs would have a fair share of disciplinary cases to contend with. Many men, away from home for the first time and just becoming accustomed to losing their civilian liberties, made mistakes. Minor infractions such as speaking back to ranking superiors, being late for roll call, not keeping their weapon clean, or shirking various camp fatigue duties called for methods of correction.

During the war, both Union and Confederate armies banned whipping as a disciplinary method. But with such a diversity of infractions, and yet without an established code for punishing infractions, officers could get quite inventive with their choice of penalties. However, most officers and NCOs believed that the most effective measures were those that both corrected the guilty party and also served as an example for their observing comrades.

A favorite disciplinary tool was the “punishment horse.” Offending soldiers were required to sit for determined duration on an uncomfortable rail while in full view of their fellow soldiers. The effect of this form of punishment was twofold: first, soldiers were humiliated among their peers, and second their physical discomfort served as a corrective reminder that there were consequences for ill behavior.